Search

The relationship between labour movements and the environment has been the subject of considerable debate but little empirical research. Using panel data for Canadian provinces between 2001 and 2019, this article investigates the relationship between unionization rates and two measures of environmental quality: greenhouse gas emissions and total particulate matter pollution. We find that higher unionization rates are associated with lower emissions for both these measures. This finding suggests that stronger labour organizations do not lead to detrimental environmental outcomes. La relation entre les mouvements syndicaux et l'environnement a fait l'objet de débats considérables, mais de peu de recherches empiriques. À l'aide de données de panel pour les provinces canadiennes entre 2001 et 2019, cet article étudie la relation entre les taux de syndicalisation et deux mesures de la qualité de l'environnement : les émissions de gaz à effet de serre et la pollution totale par les particules. Nous constatons que des taux de syndicalisation plus élevés sont associés à des émissions plus faibles pour ces deux mesures. Cette constatation suggère que des organisations syndicales plus fortes ne conduisent pas à des résultats environnementaux préjudiciables. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Foodsters United, a work-place organizing campaign by Toronto food couriers, shows that, even in the gig economy, the classic organizing methods work. The Foodsters successfully challenged their misclassification as independent contractors, got over 40 per cent of a large workforce to sign union cards, and triggered a union vote that they won with 88.8 per cent support. These victories were tempered by a devastating setback: their employer, Foodora, exited from Canadian markets. Nevertheless, what Foodsters United achieved through work-place organizing sustained its transformation into Gig Workers United, which is organizing all delivery platform workers in Toronto. Although platform companies like Foodora promote the idea that the gig economy is unprecedented, its historical continuities are more important than its discontinuities. This is also true of the work-place organizing in the gig economy. Foodsters United achieved substantial victories, not because they invented new organizing methods but because they adapted the classic methods, in often ingenious ways, to their gig economy work-place. This article is based on interviews with the campaign organizers. It is organized thematically according to classic work-place organizing methods, particularly those developed in the industrial organizing tradition, including organizing conversations, mapping, charting, leader identification, issue identification, and the creation of democratic organizations. Foodsters United, une campagne de syndicalisation en milieu de travail menée par des coursiers alimentaires de Toronto, montre que, même dans l'économie des petits boulots, les méthodes de syndicalisation classiques fonctionnent. Les Foodsters ont contesté avec succès leur classification erronée en tant qu'entrepreneurs indépendants, ont fait signer des cartes syndicales à plus de 40 pour cent d'une main-d'œuvre importante et ont déclenché un vote syndical qu'ils ont remporté avec 88,8 pour cent de soutien. Ces victoires ont été tempérées par un revers dévastateur: leur employeur, Foodora, s'est retiré des marchés canadiens. Néanmoins, ce que Foodsters United a réalisé grâce à l'organisation du lieu de travail a soutenu sa transformation en Gig Workers United, qui organise tous les travailleurs de la plateforme de livraison à Toronto. Bien que les sociétés de plateforme comme Foodora promeuvent l'idée que l'économie des petits boulots est sans précédent, ses continuités historiques sont plus importantes que ses discontinuités. Cela est également vrai de l'organisation du lieu de travail dans l'économie des petits boulots. Foodsters United a remporté des victoires substantielles, non pas parce qu'ils ont inventé de nouvelles méthodes d'organisation, mais parce qu'ils ont adapté les méthodes classiques, de manière souvent ingénieuse, à leur lieu de travail de l'économie des petits boulots. Cet article est basé sur des entretiens avec les organisateurs de la campagne. Il est organisé de manière thématique selon les méthodes classiques d'organisation du lieu de travail, en particulier celles développées dans la tradition d'organisation industrielle, y compris l'organisation des conversations, la cartographie, la mise en tableaux, l'identification des dirigeants, l'identification des problèmes et la création d'organisations démocratiques. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last decade, firms positioning themselves as craft or artisanal have proliferated in the urban environments of the Global North. Selling themselves as community hubs, friendly neighbours, anticorporate crusaders, and environmental stewards, craft industries–craft breweries, artisanal bakeries, heritage clothing manufacturers, and the like–have effectively insulated themselves from critique. Hidden beneath this veneer, however, are the accounts of countless workers detailing experiences of harassment, overwork, low pay, and discrimination. Motivated by the methodological orientation of workers' inquiry, this article recounts attitudes and experiences offered by craftworkers and craftspeople about their working conditions, motivations, and attempts to organize in craft industries, particularly craft brewing. Worker testimony reveals a profound disconnect between the optimistic industrial mythologies offered up by craft discourse and the rigid hierarchies, unequal division of labour, and toxic cultures many observed in their workplaces. Contrary to the pervasive artisanal allure that motivates many workers to seek out work in craft brewing and similar industries, the research presented here also suggests new levels of working-class consciousness and solidarity emerging in these industries and profiles attempts by craft brewery workers to organize their workplaces and fight to improve conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the sector-wide organization of contractual archaeologists in Québec, beginning with the formation of a workers' committee and leading subsequently to union accreditation. We theorize the difficulty of organizing these "precarious professionals" and suggest that self-organization outside of an industrial relations framework may be required to overcome barriers to their unionization. Deliberation, norm setting, and informal parlays with employers lead to clarifying class distinctions that professional identification often occludes, while self-organization increases worker confidence in collective action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]