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As many of the traditionally unionized sectors of the economy experience crisis, unions are turning to social unionist strategies of coalition-building and community mobilization as a means of defending jobs through external solidarity. This paper explores the politics and dynamics of the Canadian Auto Workers' (caw) organization of a union-community coalition and rally in Windsor, Ontario as a means of defending the manufacturing base. The paper contends that while Windsor's May 2007 Manufacturing Matters rally was quite successful in its short-term aims, due to the caw's strong mobilizing structures and longstanding relationships between local unions and community organizations, internal coalition dynamics and framing processes led to decisions which limited the longer-term capacities of the campaign. The coalition opted to emphasize place over class as the unifying element, to produce non-adversarial discourses and tactics so as to avoid appearing anti-business, and to marginalize more militant talk and tactics. These outcomes raise questions about both the sustainability for ongoing solidarity and mobilization amongst the Windsor working class, and the capacity of the local labour movement to articulate counter-hegemonic interpretations of economic problems and promote policy options not dominated by the needs and interests of economic and political elites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores employers’ anti-union strategies in the Niagara Peninsula from the mid-1940s to the mid-1960s in order to enhance our understanding of the nature of relations between labour and capital during the period generally described as that of the postwar compromise. Relying on such unexplored archival collections as the papers of the St. Catharines firm, Ontario Editorial Bureau, as well as the collections of the Archives of Ontario and Library and Archives Canada, the study focuses on four main union-avoid­ance strategies: the establishment of company-dominated unions, anti-union public relations campaigns, corporate welfarism, and company relocation. By illustrating the depth and endurance of Niagara employers’ opposition to unions during the period of supposed compromise between employers, workers and the state the study demonstrates that there was greater continuity than we have supposed between management views of workers’ rights during the period of the postwar compromise and the neoliberalism that character­ized subsequent decades. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the musical culture of Kirkland Lake miners and considers one of its dimensions, as expressed by their musical practices, whether classical or pop, vocal or instrumental, performed at concerts or accompanying dances or parades. With access to the names and occupations of all the employees of two of the major mining companies in the city. Lake Shore and Wright-Hargreaves Gold Mines, we sought to determine if the miners were linked in one way or another to the different music events reported in the local paper, the Northern News, over the year of 1934. In our view, the diversity of musical practices observed could be explained by the presence of many ethnic communities in the mining workforce, and also by widely different working conditions, depending on whether a miner worked underground or at the surface. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

URANIUM MINERS IN ELLIOT LAKE went on a wildcat strike in 1974 to protest their occupational health concerns on the job after a spike in cancer cases. They learned that the provincial government had known of the poor working conditions causing their illnesses, but had not informed them of the dangers or acted to improve their situation. As a result of union and political pressure, the Ontario government created the Ham Commission to investigate and make recommendations. Its hearings revealed the industry's scandalous conditions, and its report eventually resulted in the Ontario Health and Safety (OHS) Act in Ontario. It did not cover the miners until 1984, so they worked through their internal health and safety committees to gain improvements in the work environment. Others have discussed this situation in relation to the emergence of the OHS and environmental movements. This paper discusses the events in terms of the mine owners' attitudes towards their employees, the industry's relationship to governments, and the impact of the uranium mining industry (part of the nuclear industry) on the local community and environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the rise of class politics in Toronto, Ontario in the era around the Rebellion of 1837. In particular, the introduction of "gentlemanly capitalism" into Upper Canada by British financiers and corporations is discussed, including their creation of what are described as three "fictitious commodities": money, land, and labor. Topics discussed include the introduction of paper money, the rise of chartered corporations as an extension of state power, the creation of a land market, and the effects of these developments on the relations of production for farmers and tradesmen.

OVER THE LAST FEW years, the activities of minimum wage commissions in the western provinces and in Ontario have been the subject of several historical studies. Inspired by these projects, this paper examines the work of the Quebec Women's Minimum Wage Commission, from its inception in 1925 to its dismantling in 1937. After giving reasons which forced the Quebec government to legislate on this issue, the author presents the position of international and catholic unions on women in the work force. In his analysis of the operating mode of the commission and, more precisely, his critical evaluation of its mechanism for enforcing the law, the author concludes that as with the other commissions across Canada, the Quebec Women's Minimum Wage Commission would not have allowed wage increases for women. In a socio-economic context where women on average made half of the salary of men, the decision to use the minimum wage as stool to fight the abuse of the capitalist system had the major consequence of keeping salaries low. In fact, the low rate of the minimum wage agreed to by the commission upheld the principle of pay inequity by gender, thus reflecting the dominant ideology of the era during which the work of women was considered marginal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AT THE TURN of the century, the legislative, administrative, and judicial branches of the Canadian state responded to the labour conflicts associated with the second industrial revolution by simultaneously expanding both their coercive and their facilitative roles. This paper examines one aspect of this development, the rise of the labour injunction, through a study of a series of strikes conducted chiefly by metal workers in south central Ontario between 1900 and 1914. In addition to retrieving the largely forgotten genealogy of a body of law that continues to play an important role in regulating and containing trade union activity, the study contributes insights into debates raging among labour historians regarding the role and significance of state institutions and public discourse in determining the trajectory and fate of organized labour. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

TEACHERS HAVE BEEN left out of nineteenth- and early twentieth-century labour history just as they have been ignored, as workers, in the history of education. This paper investigates themes in the history of elementary public school teachers' work in Quebec and Ontario during the period when state school systems were being put in place and public teaching forces were becoming predominantly female. During this period teachers contended with the introduction of new subjects and methods, the introduction of increasing amounts of paperwork, and a growing insistence on discipline and uniformity in increasingly hierarchical work places. In addition they had to deal with unhealthy working conditions and conflicts over who was responsible for the upkeep and physical improvement of schools. Although, by the turn of the century, increasing workloads, difficult working conditions, and low pay had pushed urban women teachers to form single-sex protective associations, most schoolmistresses failed to identify with other organized workers. Neither self-identified workers, nor the professionals they aspired to be, they began to understand one major source of their problematic status when they perceived that this derived, in large part, from their Status as women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]