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We present 114 fps lingual ultrasound data of 3 speakers' productions of words containing the initial velar plosive, and the following [ɑ] and [i] vowels, in Mangetti Dune !Xung (N=95 for [k] in the [ɑ] context, N=36 for [k] in the [i] context). We traced the midsaggital tongue edge at the frame just prior to the [k] release, and measured the tongue dorsum (TD) and tongue root (TR) constriction locations (CL's). The TRCL was measured 1 cm below the [k] peak. Results show that [k] in the [i] context has a 1.1 cm further forward TDCL than [k] in the [ɑ] context for one speaker, and 1.2 cm further forward for the second speaker The results are similar to those found for English by Stevens and House (1963). The TRCL is retracted 0.3 cm in [k] in the [ɑ] context compared with [k] in the [i] context for the first speaker, and 0.6 cm more retracted for the second speaker. A third speaker had a retracted TDCL and TRCL in both vowel contexts. These results confirm that [k] is less resistant to coarticulation. Results show that the tongue root is involved in dorsal-front vowel coarticulation.

C-V coarticulation in monosyllabic words containing initial clicks and /i:/ vowels is investigated in Mangetti Dune !Xung with 114 fps lingual ultrasound and acoustic data collected using the CHAUSA method (Miller and Finch 2011). The 114 fps rate yields an image of the tongue every 9 ms (+/-4.5 ms). Vowels following clicks have three lingual gestures involving the tongue tip/blade (TT), tongue body (TB) and tongue root (TR). TT and TB constrictions carried over from the clicks merge into a single vowel constriction at consonant specific rates. The second formant (F2) distinguishes each word type through the vowel midpoint. In regression analyses, TBCL and TRCL best predict F2 for alveolar click initial words, while TTCL best predicts F2 for dental / palatal click initial words. The more open constriction is acoustically inert. In the palatal click initial word, both constrictions are equally close for some speakers, and the gestures undergo blending (Browman and Goldstein 1990). I argue that these patter...