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The posthumously erected honorary inscription, which today is housed in the Museum of Kocaeli/İzmit, acquaints us with a family of notables from the Bithynian metropolis of Nikomedeia. The monument, which once carried a statue of the deceased on top, was set up by Ulpia Athenais, the mother of Fl. Ulpius Demokritos, who had died at an early age. His premature death robbed the city of a potential leading member of the local elite, as is suggested by the list of public offices and other services performed by his father Fl. Ulpius Arrianos: He was priest, perhaps of the city goddess and/or the imperial cult, and distributed money amongst members of the city council and the people of Nikomedeia, perhaps in conjunction with his priesthood. He held the offices of first archon and censor in his home city and performed a parapompê which may have had to do with the passing of contingents of the Roman army through the city's territory during the Severan campaigns against the Parthians. The explicit mention of Arrianos' having paid for this parapompê out of his own pocket is unique amongst inscriptions mentioning a parapompê. In addition, the Roman imperial administration appointed him curatur rei publicae in Prusa ad Olympum. Both the form of the characters and the mention of the parapompê, which appears in inscriptions particularly from the closing years of the 2nd century CE, suggest that Fl. Ulpius Arrianos was active in the late Antonine/Severan period. The Ulpius Athenaios mentioned as agoranomos of the year 199 on a market weight from Nikomedeia is presumably a close relative, perhaps the father, of the dedicatress of this inscription.

The old question as to when Lycia, Pamphylia (and southern Pisidia) were first combined into a double province can now be reliably answered thanks to a new epigraphic document. In 71–72 CE Vespasian had parts of the Via Sebaste in the Pisidian-Pamphylian border region repaired by his governor Avidius Celer and his procurator P. Anicius Maximus. These con­struc­tion activities were recorded in a bilingual inscription engraved on a monument consisting of several stone blocks. The text mentions Avidius Celer, already known from other inscriptions found in Lycia, as governor of the province of Pamphylia et Lycia. The document provides the earliest datable mention of the double province. In Myra and in the Carian city of Kaunos in late 70 CE Avidius Celer consecrated buildings dedicated to emperor Vespasian. This new evidence suggests that the double province of Lycia et Pamphylia had already been created by 70 or 71 CE as part of wider reform measures taken by Vespasian early in his reign in an effort to consolidate the empire. Since the governorship of Avidius Celer can now be safely dated to the years 70–72 CE, it is also possible to date precisely the governorships of his successors.The involvement in this construction project on the Via Sebaste of the financial procurator P. Anicius Maximus, who was simultaneously in charge of the provinces of Galatia and Ly­cia-Pamphylia, suggests that in the vicinity of the monument the road passed through imperial estates, for which there is further evidence.

Review of: John D. Grainger, The Cities of Pamphylia, Oxford 2009. Oxbow Books, XV+255 S. + 15 Tafeln; ISBN 978–1–84217–334–3; £ 30.00.

A funerary inscription recently found in Claudiupolis reveals that the venator/archi­kynegos Iustus was a citizen of the Asian metropoleis of Smyrna, Ephesus and Pergamon as well as of the Bithynian cities of Nicaea and Prusa ad Olympum. Since he and his two brothers are mentioned only with their praenomina but without their father's name, they seem to be of ser­vile origin. The mention of Nikaia at the top of the list of citizenships as well as the use of the words σκυλεύω and ἀνεξοδίαστον suggest that this city was Iustus' patria. After a successful care­er as venator Iustus became a freedman. His various citizenships and the title archikynegos sug­gest that he continued his career as a fighter of wild beasts even after manumission. He must have reached stardom in the arena since the most important metropoleis of Asia honou­red him with gifts of citizenship. The naturalisation of a venator is unique for Asia Minor. Iustus can be compared to the sportsmen and sophists who also acquired the citizenship of various cities.

Some corrections are made to a posthumous honorary inscription from Claudioupolis, published in the last issue of this journal. A comparison of the letter-forms with those in the honorary inscription IKlaudiupolis no. 53 for emperor Hadrian from the same city makes it clear that the inscription should be dated not later than the Hadrianic period. The word neos is to be understood not as part of the name of the late honorand but, together with the following word «heros», as meaning «the young deceased man». In addition, the honorand is to be identified with Gn. Domitius Ponticus Iulianus mentioned in the newly found building inscription from the city's Stadion. This text reveals that Ponticus Iulianus had made a pledge to have the stadion built at his own expense; unfortunately, he died before the start of the project. Since he had only underage daughters, the project was carried out by Claudia Procla and Aelius Plotius Iulianus who as legal foster parents of the daughters of Domitius managed the property of Ponticus Iulianus.

This article presents some 40 hitherto unpublished inscriptions from the Bolu museum, most of which stem from Klaudiupolis, though in some cases the provenance remains unclear. Two inscriptions were found on the coast near Akçakoca (Dia) on the boundary between Prusias ad Hypium and Herakleia Pontike. One of these inscriptions (no. 5) attests that the cult of Zeus Bennios known from Phrygia and the middle Sangarios valley had spread as far as that region. Two dedications stem from Phrygia and were given as a permanent loan by the museum of Afyon. Of historical importance is the honorary inscription no. 3, as it attests that the consul Arabianus was a native of Klaudiupolis. The honorary inscription no. 2 acquaints us with the notable Titus Domitius Pius Iulianus, undoubtedly a descendant of the Domitius Pontikus Iulianus who in the Hadrianic period founded the now unearthed stadion. The funerary inscriptions are frequently engraved on moulded column drums, which were widely used in the East Bithynian and West Paphlagonian region. Of these, four feature epigrams praising the virtues of the deceased. From a Christian context are a baptismal font bearing the name of the donor, a barrier plate with a quotation from Matthew's Gospel and a cross-shaped funerary stele of the presbyter Polychronios. Also included in the catalogue are a dozen further stones bearing no inscriptions.

Two Senatorial Families from KlaudiupolisA brief inscription on a pedestal found in the town centre of Bolu refutes the previously dominant view about the provenance of Marcus Ulpius Arabianus, consul suffectus in the late Antoninian period and afterwards governor of Syria Palaestina and Africa proconsularis. He did not hail from Amastris, where he had good, probably inherited connections, but from Klaudiupolis, where according to the new inscription he honoured his uncle M. Ulpius Aristaeus with a statue. Aristaeus in turn also erected a statue in Klaudiupolis in honour of an imperial valet. The consul's son, who is attested to have been legatus Asiae under Septimius Severus, was M. Ulpius Domitius Aristaeus Arabianus. This name clearly shows that he had adopted not only the cognomina of his father and his uncle, but also the name Ulpius and another nomen gentile (Domitius). From this composite name the author concludes that the senator had married a woman from the gens Domitii. He also assumes that this woman stems from a senatorial family, so that the marriage was of appropriate social standing. In Bithynia, this assumption is satisfied only by M. Domitius Euphemus and his family, which also came from Klaudiupolis. There were probably no further senatorial families in this small town in eastern Bithynia in the Antonine-Severian period. As a well-known inscription from the Phrygian town of Pyrmnessos shows, the con­sul's son used only the shortened name of Domitius Aristaeus Arabianus. He seems to have preferred his mother's nomen gentile, probably because the Domitii were more prominent and had had Roman citizenship for a much longer time. Adak also believes that Arabianus is identical with the senator Domitius Arabianus attested as archon in Athens under Severus Alexander. Apart from Flavius Arrianus, this would give us another Bithynian senator who after a successful career in the service of the emperor settled down in Athens, where he took over the office of archon to enhance his prestige.

Review of: Karl Feld, Barbarische Bürger. Die Isaurier und das Römische Reich (Berlin 2005)Karl Feld, Barbarische Bürger. Die Isaurier und das Römische Reich, Berlin 2005 (Millennium-Studien zu Kultur und Geschichte des ersten Jahrtau­sends n. Chr. Band 8). Verlag de Gruyter, XII+411 S.; ISBN 978-3-11-018899-8; Euro 98.

Olbia in Pamphylia - The Epigraphic EvidenceConstruction work in the old part o f Antalya brought to light a proxeny decree by the Pamphylian city of Olbia for a citizen of Cyzicus, which gives us the first piece of epigraphic evidence for the existence of this small coastal town. The inscription, which is to be dated to the fourth century BC, reveals that in the Classical period Olbia was an autonomous polis with the typical city organs such as the ecclesia and boule. As the names of the two citizens (Pastorides und Pantaleon) mentioned in the inscription show, at least the upper class of Olbia was of Greek provenance. The author assumes that the city was founded by settlers from western Asia Minor in the course of the Great Colonisation and was, like Phaselis and the neighbouring Aeolian settlements of Thebe, Lyrnessos and Tenedos, probably Greek in character right from the beginning. In addition, Olbia is likely to have played an important mediating role in the lengthy Hellenisation process in the indigenous cities in the Pamphylian plain. Although situated directly on the coast and endowed with a good harbour, Olbia never acquired cross-regional importance throughout its history. The reasons for this are probably to be sought not only in the fact that the city was possessed of only a small territory, but also and principally in the rivalry with the city of Phaselis only a few kilometres to the south. Several suggestions are proferred which refute previous attempts to locate the city near Hurma or Arapsuyu on the western edge of the great Pamphylian plain. Olbia was situated further to the south, near Kemer. In the Middle Ages the stone was probably carried as construction material from the port of Olbia to Antalya by sea, which in the case of the important neighbouring rival city of Phaselis is attested by a number of inscriptions.

On the Position of Army Members in Their Home Towns: The case of M. Aur. Antoninus from Prusias ad HypiumWith the discovery of two new, virtually intact statue pedestals the number of monuments set up in honour of the knight Marcus Aurelius Antoninus by various phylai of his home town has ri­sen to three. Being of identical shape and size and bearing almost identical inscriptions, the pedestals must belong to the same series, erected presumably by the phylai by a decree of the city council. An­toninus appears to have been an extraordinary member of the upper class of Prusias, as he owes his social advancement to his service in the Roman army, which he probably joined as an ordinary soldier under Marcus Aurelius. Thanks to outstanding performance he rose to the posts of centurio and ulti­mately primuspilus. Upon leaving the army he gained entry into the equestrian order and subsequently attained the post of an imperial procurator. The qualities ascribed to him in the phylai inscriptions markedly deviate from those used for members of the ruling class in Prusias. They indicate that Anto­ninus enjoyed a high prestige in the city and probably used his good connections to influential Ro­mans to the advantage of Prusias. A private honorary inscription (no. 4) shows that the upper class of Prusias accepted the newcomer unreservedly. Indeed, one of its members even entered into a familial relationship with Antoninus. In respect of the character of the phylai, it is pointed out that they were social as well as territorial units covering both the urban and the rural territories of Prusias.

Akköprü. An Early Byzantine Bridge over the IndosAmongst the yet unexplored areas of Asia Minor is the middle Indos Valley, which in Antiquity marked the natural boundary between Caria and Lycia. Some 32.5 km north east of Caunos the Indos is spanned by a bridge which, owing to its complex formal design and the use of various materials, is difficult to date. Its substructure up to the incipient arches is made of smoothly cut limestone blocks, while the remaining wall structure consists of a conglomerate of rubble and pebblestones. The two arches, which deviate from each other in their shape, are made of bricks. While the small arch is of semicircular profile in the tradition of Roman bridges, the large arch, which spans the river proper, is designed as a drop arch. Unlike the top portion of the bridge, the area around the arches is plastered, which gives the wall structure an inhomogeneous appearance. The brickwork above the left half of the large arch is the result of a subsequent repair. The hitherto overlooked building inscription on the south side of the small arch proves that the bridge was built in the early Byzantine period, probably in the 6th century A.D. Made of bricks, the inscription mentions a certain Johannes as the builder of the monument. The title after his monogram could be read as σχ(ολαστικός). Since brick inscriptions are otherwise unknown in southern Asia Minor, the author assumes that the builder oriented himself towards important metropoleis like Thessalonike and Constantinople. These elaborations are rounded off by some reflections on the road network in the region, which was an important transition area even in Antiquity, linking Caria with Lycia and the Cibyratis. The author assumes that the region did not belong to Kaunos, but to Oktapolis.

New Inscriptions from Phaselis IIn the course of increasing mass tourism the Turkish Ministry of Culture in the early 1980ies ordered excavation and restoration work in Phaselis. Fifteen of the inscriptions then discovered are published here for the first time. Of these, the two dedications to Helios and Apollon Iatros as well as the funerary stele no. 13 can be dated to the Classical period. The list of victors (no. 3) shows that in Hellenistic times the city celebrated a festival which, judging by the provenance of the winners from the Aegean region, was of Panhellenic na­ture. The honorary dedications to successful wrestlers shed some light on agonistic activities in the city in late imperial times. A dedication to Domitia Paulina (no. 7) suggests that Hadrian was accompanied by his sister during his second journey to the East. A fragment belonging to an Opramoas inscription (TAM II 1203) mentions that the famous billionaire made a donation of 12,500 denars to the Phaselites for distribution among the citizens and for financing of legations. In the 3rd century the Phaselites honoured a procurator Lyciae et Pam­phyliae named Rufus, the Lyciarch Aur. Panphilos from Arycanda and a certain Philocrates who probably hailed from Olympos. In Late Antiquity two agoranomoi financed a mosaic floor in the palaestra of the Large Baths.

Catalog of the Inscriptions in the Museum of AdapazarıThe article presents a compilation of 42 stone monuments which are now in the Adapazarı Museum founded in 1993. The majority of these monuments are tombstones discovered in the mostly rural settlements east of Nikaia. Some other stones stem from the territory of Nikomedeia, which the authors believe to have included even the eastern part of the plain of Adapazarı. The oldest and historically most significant document in the Museum is the dedication to Tiberius and Zeus Soter by the veteran Publius Alfius. The Hellenistic storey stele no. 4 provides an example of the reuse of a tombstone in imperial times. The door steles found in the Pamukova and Taraklı regions are interpreted as evidence for the existence of a Phrygian population on the middle Sangarios river.

The System of Roman Roads and Settlements in the Lycian MilyasThe authors present a detailed description of the topography of the Milyas upland with its minor and major settlements connected with one another by a road system. Owing to the geographical conditions in the Milyas with two lakes which took up a large portion of the upland and with extensive marshland between these lakes, there had never been a centrally located, powerful polis. Instead, there was a number of minor towns, namely Choma and Podalia, which are known from coin legends and literary sources, and Kopoda, Akarassos and Soklai mentioned in the Stadiasmus of Patara. Under Claudius these five towns were connected by a circular road which was, in some areas, elaborately built with big, heavy stone blocks because of marshy terrain. For example, the 7.5 km stretch of road from Choma to Podalia saw the highest construction input not only in the Milyas but also in the whole of Lycia. According to the authors, the fact that the Romans built elaborate, wide roads in some areas of the Milyas is due partly to the topographical conditions and partly to the importance of the upland as a transit area to the northern provinces.

New Inscriptions from Olympos and Its Territory IThe article presents seven new inscriptions discovered in the course of a project aimed at clearing wild vegetation from the urban area of Olympos. Two of these inscriptions stem from the original city on Mount Musa Dağı. Particularly noteworthy is the inscription (no. 3) commemorating the erection of the baths under Vespasian, making them the oldest dateable building complex in the harbour city of Korykos, which later became Olympos. Special mention may also be made of two votive inscriptions (no. 5) dedicated by a sta­tionarius and a praetorianus respectively. Both soldiers probably did service in or around Olympos in the later 3rd century.

Review for: Ekrem Akurgal, Bir Arkeoloğun AnılarıEkrem Akurgal, Bir Arkeoloğun Anıları. Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Kültür Tarihinden Birkaç Yaprak [Die Erinnerungen eines Archäologen. Einige Seiten aus der Kulturgeschichte der Türkischen Republik], Türkiye Bilimler Akademisi, Ankara 1999 (2. Auflage: Ankara 2002), Hardcover; 302 S.; 8.000.000 TL

The Localization of Olympos and Korykos in Eastern Lycia On the basis of a prolonged study of the Stadiasmus of Patara and an in-depth inspection of the remnants of a hitherto largely unknown Hellenistic city on Mount Musa Dağı, the author presents a fresh attempt at localising the cities of Olympos and Korykos, starting with the fact that Olympos, one of the six metropolises of the Lycian League and a major maritime stopping point, is missing from both the Stadiasmus of Patara and the Stadiasmus Maris Magni. Instead, little known Korykos near mount Olympos is mentioned on both of these monuments. Literary evidence is adduced to show that Korykos was a naval port and trading post of some importance, whereas proof for Olympos as a maritime city cannot be found in the sources. A field exploration conducted to localise Korykos, which according to Strabo was situated between Olympos and Phaselis, proved fruitless. The author therefore suggests that Korykos was situated in the place which later became Olympos, whose name as a coastal town is first attested in the 2nd century AD. Founded in middle Hellenistic times, probably under Antiochos III, Olympos, in its early history, is closely connected with Mount Olympos. Adak quotes Strabo's history of Zenicetes, the pirate king who resided in a fortress on Mount Olympos where he was defeated by P. Servilius Isauricus, to suggest that in its early days the city of Olympos lay on the homonymous mountain which contrary to previous scholarly opinion he identifies with Mount Musa Dağı, citing numerous ancient sources and adducing topographical evidence to support his view. According to him, the urban remnants on this mountain belong to the city of Olympos, which was a major regional power before it was destroyed by P. Servilius Vatia. After the Roman annexation of Lycia in 43 AD the political situation in the country stabilised, which, so the author argues, may have prompted part of the inhabitants of Olympos to leave their city for Korykos, which as a sea port offered better economic prospects. As the mountain city declined further, Korykos saw urbanistic development under Roman provincial administration. The change in name, says Adak, may have taken place during Hadrian's visit to Lycia in 131 AD, probably at the population's request.

New Inscriptions from TlosThe first 16 inscriptions presented here were found during a field exploration conducted in Tlos and its immediate vicinity from 1993 to 1995. The last five inscriptions belong to the collection Yonca Döğerli in Fethiye. In addition, two previously published inscriptions (TAM II 561 and Naour 1977 no 2) have been included because of editorial errors in the first publication.