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The historical development of the vegetation of semi-dry grasslands in Central Europe is not satisfactorily understood. Long-term continuity of open vegetation or, conversely, deep-past forest phases are considered possible sources of the current extreme species diversity of these ecosystems. We aimed to reveal the trajectory of paleovegetation development in these ecosystems through detailed analysis of terrestrial in-situ soil geoarchives. We measured the bulk soil carbon and nitrogen contents, lipid molecular distribution, and compound-specific stable carbon and hydrogen isotopic signatures of mid- and long-chain n -alkanes extracted from soil and modern plant material tissues (i.e., deciduous and Pinus leaves and grass/herbaceous species). The C23–C33 n -alkane homologues were identified in soils with different abundances. Normally, C27 and C29 n -alkanes were the most abundant homologues in tree-leaf samples, while grass-derived n -alkanes were mostly C31 and C33 homologues. Soils were largely dominated by C29 and C31 n -alkanes. Odd-numbered C27–C33 soil n -alkane δ13C values ranged from −36.2‰ to −23.2‰, whereas their δ2H values showed a wider range of variability that fluctuated from −224‰ to −172‰. Molecular distribution in combination with radiocarbon analysis of soil organic matter (SOM) and δ13C and δ2H values of n -alkanes revealed a large contribution of C3 trees (both deciduous and coniferous trees/pine trees) as the main source of n -alkanes between the late Pleistocene and early Holocene (ca 15,000–8200 calibrated year before present/cal year BP). A clear shift toward more grassy/herbaceous vegetation was observed from the early Holocene (ca 11,700–8200 cal year BP) onwards. Distribution patterns of lipids and soil geochemical parameters showed that plants are the main source of SOM and that biodegradation and kinetic isotope fractionation are not the main reasons for 13C enrichment in soil profiles. Past C3 vegetation shifts as well as paleoclimate changes (i.e., aridity) can have played a role in the observed 13C depth profiles. [Display omitted] • Lipid biomarkers were used to reconstruct paleovegetation of White Carpathians. • Trees were the main source of n -alkanes in the late Pleistocene and early Holocene. • A clear shift observed from woody to grassy plants from the early Holocene onwards. • Soil δ13C depth profiles were affected by past vegetation and paleoclimate changes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• First evidence of Melo knives in Australia, spanning 46,000 years, discovered at Boodie Cave. • An early Australian shell technology tradition is reported. • Combined analysis using experimental, ethnographic, and archaeological investigations provides valuable insights into Melo shell artefact production and utilization. • Melo shell knives highlight an enduring shell tool industry within the northern Carnarvon bioregion, with Boodie Cave excavations yielding abundant material for studying past marine resource utilisation. • Past reliance on robust shellfish like Melo for tools likely more widespread in northern Australia than previously acknowledged. We investigate archaeological evidence for the early production of Melo (or commonly named 'baler') shell knives recovered from Late Pleistocene and Early Holocene deposits in Boodie Cave, Barrow Island. The site is in the Country of Thalanyji people in northwestern Western Australia. The oldest shell knife fragments were recovered from units dated to 46.2–42.6 ka, making this one of the oldest Homo sapiens sapiens shell tool technologies currently described. We situate this early and ongoing tradition of shell tool manufacture within recent discussions of the early development of shell industries from both Island Southeast Asia and globally. Although shell knives have been previously reported from Pilbara and Gulf of Carpentaria surface middens in northern Australia, systematic analysis of the manufacturing process and associated debris, and especially from pre-Holocene contexts, has not been previously conducted. This research explores the shell knife chaîne opératoire through the integration of three data sets derived from archaeology, ethnography, and experimental archaeology. This study highlights the significance of shell tool industries in the northwest of Australia, and globally, from the Pleistocene and into the Late Holocene in areas with limited access to hard rock geology where shell reduction represents a unique technological strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research in the field of wound ballistics has identified three major types of penetrating trauma injuries that will affect wound severity of a projectile point into hard or soft tissues: puncture, incised, and lacerated. In this study, we report on dual ballistics experiments conducted to better understand the wounding mechanisms of three prehistoric projectile point classes made respectfully of polished bone, bifacially flaked stone, and composite antler inset with microblades. Each class of projectiles was launched into ballistics gelatin and into the carcass of a reindeer to explore the relative performance characteristics of each class in terms of tool durability and wound infliction. Our methods of evaluation included a detailed measurement of projectile attributes before and after penetration of both gelatin and carcass that were then compared using tip-metrics, penetration depth, and total interior wound area. Our results strongly suggest that the wounding potential differed significantly between projectile point classes and in turn, strongly influenced wound severity. We suggest that point mechanics may implicate a “prey specific” hunting strategy and propose that such analyses can help us better understand prehistoric hunter-gather behavior and technological variability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous research has suggested that reduced humeral asymmetry in robusticity in European Late Pleistocene and Early Holocene populations may be a result of increased left humeral robusticity due to muscle loading from increased use of bow hunting. This paper provides a basis for considering the causes of such changes by assessing the overall intensity and level of asymmetry in the distribution of muscle activation and muscle force among living male archers. In this experiment, 20 right-handed archers drew a replica of the self bows characteristic for the Upper Paleolithic and Neolithic. We measured activation of eight muscles (biceps, triceps [long head], triceps [lateral head], deltoid [anterior part], deltoid [middle part], deltoid [posterior part], infraspinatus, and latissimus) using surface electromyography. We observed about a 15%–28% left bias in total maximum muscle force. The main muscles employed were triceps (lateral head), deltoid (middle part), and deltoid (posterior part) on both sides and triceps (long head) on the left arm. The most asymmetrical toward the right arm was the activation of biceps (123% right bias in mean muscle activation) and toward the left was triceps (long head) and triceps (lateral head) (70%–110% left bias in mean muscle activation). We conclude that left biased asymmetry in maximum muscle force produced during bow shooting may be responsible for the increase in robusticity of the left humerus and that the pattern of activation of specific individual muscles suggests that archery may be identifiable in the prehistoric record using skeletal features associated with muscle activity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Swiderian tradition of the Tanged Point Complex (Late Upper Palaeolithic) is attested in Crimea through a few ill-known sites dated to the Younger Dryas and early Preboreal. Little information on subsistence is available on this period yet; with this article, we present the results of zooarchaeological analyses conducted on the site of Buran-Kaya III Layer 4, in central Crimea. Saiga antelope ( Saiga tatarica ) is the dominant species of the assemblage, followed by red fox ( Vulpes vulpes ), horse ( Equus ferus ), and hare ( Lepus europaeus ). Despise the important presence of canid remains, taphonomic observations as well as archaeological context suggest that human is the main accumulator of saiga antelope remains. Hunter–gatherers likely brought the antelope carcasses whole to the site and performed skinning activity, as well as consumption of meat and bone marrow. Seasonality data from juvenile antelope suggest that the animals were acquired in the late summer or Fall. Based on the ethology of modern populations of saiga antelope, we infer that hunter–gatherers took advantage of the particular geographic setting of the Crimean mountains to efficiently exploit this resource. By drawing comparisons with other known sites of this period, we call attention for future research in exploring the seasonality of subsistence in the Crimea at the Pleistocene–Holocene transition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on the evidence of a recently excavated, sealed site, situated at Ruien “Rosalinde” in the Belgian Scheldt valley, the response of hunter-gatherers to changing climate at the transition from the temperate Allerød to the cold Younger Dryas is discussed. Radiocarbon dated to the end of the Allerød or the very beginning of the Younger Dryas, the site of Ruien provides the earliest evidence of a refined lithic technology characterized by the use of a soft stone hammer and the production of straight and regular blade(let)s from intensively prepared cores with two opposite platforms and sharp striking angles. In the course of the Younger Dryas and Early Pre-boreal this knapping method will become standard all over Europe, from the Tanged Point Technocomplex in the North to the (Epi)Laborian in the South. It contrasts sharply with the knapping style of previous lithic traditions, such as the late Federmesser/Azilian and Bromme Technocomplexes, which was much less elaborated and mainly oriented towards the knapping of short irregular blades with a hard stone hammer. This apparently abrupt technological change was also accompanied by increased raw material procurement networks, extending over up to 250 km, and a marked microlithisation of the hunting equipment. Finally, the site of Ruien is also important as it demonstrates the limited archaeological visibility of Younger Dryas sites, explaining the scarcity of such sites within western Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Great Basin's earliest inhabitants relied heavily on wetland systems that underwent a great decline culminating in the early Holocene. In this paper, we derive expectations for regional Paleoindian archaeology by modeling the distribution and disappearance of lake-margin wetland habitats. Basin geomorphology and hydrology are used to predict change through time in the occurrence of these habitats. Fifty-two pluvial lakes are drained from their Pleistocene highstands by computer simulation using GIS, and the changing extent of associated wetlands is quantified. We find that as these lakes declined to shallow depths, many experienced corresponding increases in wetland habitat prior to complete desiccation; thus, while the total area of wetland habitat in the region could have maintained some stability through this process, the number of available basin wetlands would have dropped relatively rapidly as smaller basins completely dried up. The model therefore implies that those lakes that disappeared earliest should hold the archaeological signatures most restricted to early Paleoindian times. Assemblages associated with these lakes should also reflect higher forager mobility corresponding with the greater number of basin wetlands available. We find preliminary support for the model in several archaeological cases but emphasize the need for further basin-specific research to clarify the nature and timing of wetland habitat loss and the extent to which this was a constraint for Paleoindian populations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: This work presents a palaeoenvironmental interpretation of the Upper Pleistocene–Holocene sedimentary sequence recorded in the Valsalada saline wetland system (Monegros, Central Ebro Basin). This morphosedimentary system developed on karstified, gypsiferous bedrock and was mainly fed by local saline groundwater. Based on geomorphological, sedimentological, palynological and radiocarbon data, three depositional units have been differentiated: 1) a lacustrine unit, which accumulated under cold/cool and humid environmental conditions at 41–40 kyr cal BP, 2) a fluvial unit that was deposited under arid climatic conditions with cold episodic periods from 14 to 3.5 kyr cal BP, and 3) an alluvial slope unit associated with arid climate with human influence during the Late Roman Period (1.5 kyr cal BP). The morphosedimentary evolution of the Valsalada system is strongly influenced by the geomorphic setting (small catchment with karstic depressions and low gradient slopes on gypsum), the hydrological availability (runoff and groundwater discharges) related to climate variability during the Late Pleistocene–Holocene, and the human activities developed in the area during historical times. The response of the Valsalada system displays a low sensitivity to short-term climatic changes but responds to major long-term climatic conditions, improving the regional paleoenvironmental picture of the Late Quaternary in NE Spain. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: Coprolites attributable to humans, dated from the Pleistocene–Holocene transition, obtained from the archaeological site Cerro Casa de Piedra, Santa Cruz Province, were examined for parasites. The feces were processed by rehydration and spontaneous sedimentation using conventional parasitic procedures. Helminthic eggs recovered were identified as Trichuris sp., Calodium sp., other capilariids, and ancylostomid (Nematoda), probably Hymenolepis sp. and anoplocephalid (Cestoda); one oocyst attributable to Eimeria macusaniensis (Apicomplexa) was also found. According to the life-cycles and specificity of the parasites found, it is possible to suggest that some species (i.e., E. macusaniensis and Calodium sp.) represent parasites in transit or pseudoparasitism. Paleoparasitological results revealed the existence of an intensive relationship between parasites and humans in the Pleistocene–Holocene transition in Patagonia. Evidence suggests an early association among parasites, rock shelters and hunter–gatherers in the region. It is also postulated that the ancient lifestyles associated with caves and rock shelters were conductive to illness. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: Since the early 1990s, excavations of a protohistoric lakeside settlement in the Korça basin carried out by a French–Albanian archaeological team have induced geomorphological and palynological studies about the sedimentary records of Lake Maliq. These studies allow us to distinguish a series of centennial-scale high and low lake level events between 4200 and 4000cal BP (2899–2637 BC/2843–2416 BC) and 2600cal BP (822–671 BC), probably due to large-scale climate changes (in the Mediterranean basin). In addition, the sediment sequence also gives evidence of a millennial-scale trend of lake level rise. It appears to be an interplay between lake level rises and falls against tectonic subsidence of the basin allowing accommodation space for sediment deposition. The variations of the lake''s level and the lake''s surface area influenced the development and the abandonment of the nearby lakeside settlements (like the tell of Sovjan). In order to prepare an archaeological survey around the now dried up lake, we made a 3D model of the Holocene deposit from the lake including these lake level results, geomorphological mapping, excavation data, numerous core logs, AMS 14C dating and SRTM DEM data. The GIS model allowed us to propose four palaeogeographical reconstructions of the extension of Lake Maliq: around 14,000 BP, during the Mesolithic (around 9000 BP – 8781–8542 BC), the Early/Middle Bronze Age transition (around 3800 BP – 2310–2042 BC) and the Iron Age (2600 BP – 822–671 BC). A map of the thickness of the sediments above potential archaeological layers is also proposed. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: The dhole (Cuon alpinus) has been documented on the Iberian Peninsula throughout the Middle and Upper Pleistocene in archaeological and palaeontological contexts. However, this is an uncommon species among the Iberian quaternary faunae as a whole. This paper focuses on the remains of the genus Cuon recovered in three different sites of the Iberian Mediterranean region and their morphological and osteometrical study. By comparing these with fourteen complete skeletons of Canis lupus, as well as with other remains of C. alpinus, we intend to highlight some anatomical and metrical differences between Cuon and Canis that, added to those already published, could be a functional base-line for the identification of this genus. The identification of this species is complex, especially in archaeological contexts, and in some cases the dhole has been identified as Canis or Canidae. Furthermore, this paper explores the chronology of the presence of the dhole in the Iberian Peninsula and the different contexts where these animals have been recovered from. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: The geomorphological evolution of the upper Chienti river basin, during the late Pleistocene and the Holocene, was characterized mainly by numerous landslides, strongly affecting the river dynamics, that produced falls, deviations and in some cases total obstructions with the formation of lakes sometimes extending for some kilometres. Moreover, particularly during the Holocene, phytoclastic and phytohermal travertine deposits were deposited in correspondence of steps along the river bed; one of these deposits, by means of radiocarbon dating, has been dated between 8260±100yr BP and 7740±80yr BP. Stromatolithic travertine is also present at the base of Holocene channels, slightly incised on the top of the upper Pleistocene alluvial plain. The Neolithic site of Maddalena of Muccia is located on an upper Pleistocene alluvial terrace, at the confluence of the two main tributaries of the river, about 400m a.s.l. Human presence in this alluvial plain zone lasted from the ancient Neolithic to the Roman period, surely in relation to its strategic position, connecting the Adriatic and the Tyrrhenian slants of the chain. The richest and most important remains, found at just 50cm under the field level, belong to the ancient and recent Neolithic and to the Aeneolithic, and have been collocated between the VII and the V millennium BC, using C14. During the archaeological excavations carried out by the Archaeological Superintendence of the Marche region, testimonies reveal a local economy that was primarily based on animal breeding, cereal cultivation, fishing and deforestation. The study has evidenced that the river incision process, usually started in other areas at the beginning of the Holocene, was strictly limited by the presence of steps and barrages that reduced sedimentation flows towards the initial sectors of the valleys within the calcareous Apennine ridge. The generalized deposition of travertine along the riverbeds and within the minor channels that developed at the top of the upper Pleistocene alluvial plains also produced a sort of armature of the riverbed thus limiting further erosion processes. The resumption of linear erosion coincided with the natural erosion of the dams previously caused by landslides, and above all, (starting from about 4500yr BP) with the rapid decline of the travertine deposition due mainly to climatic conditions. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: Renewed archaeological investigation of the West Mouth of Niah Cave, Borneo has demonstrated that even within lowland equatorial environments depositional conditions do exist where organic remains of late glacial and early post-glacial age can be preserved. Excavations by the Niah Cave Research Project (NCP) (2000–2003) towards the rear of the archaeological reserve produced several bone points and worked stingray spines, which exhibit evidence of hafting mastic and fibrous binding still adhering to their shafts. The position of both gives strong indication of how these cartilaginous points were hafted and gives insight into their potential function. These artefacts were recovered from secure and 14C dated stratigraphic horizons. The results of this study have implications for our understanding the function of the Terminal Pleistocene and Early Holocene bone tools recovered from other regions of Island Southeast Asia. They demonstrate that by the end the Pleistocene rainforest foragers in Borneo were producing composite technologies that probably included fishing leisters and potentially the bow and arrow. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: Archaeological sites dating from the Preboreal are of special interest since they mark the turning point in the transition between the cultures of the Late Pleistocene and the Holocene. In spite of their relevance only few sites in the Western and Central European Plain have become known, thus providing an inhomogeneous basis for further hypotheses. In particular, sites in the widespread aeolian landscapes have been neglected for a long time due to their uncertain genesis, dating problems and obviously insufficient preservation. Our investigations of the Haverbeck site, situated in sandy aeolian substrate, seek to enhance knowledge about the Preboreal Mesolithic. The well-preserved archaeological spatial, technological and functional patterns and the geoarchaeological site formation were studied. Sedimentological and palaeopedological analyses, supported by 14C and OSL dating results, revealed that artefacts were deposited during the Preboreal on sands which had accumulated during the Younger Dryas and were reactivated in subsequent periods (Atlantic, Subboreal, Subatlantic). In spite of these processes, the artefacts remained unimpaired in their relative horizontal positions, enabling spatial analyses, which show a zonal differentiation and a prevalence of retooling and replacing activities. These results offer an insight into spatial and functional differentiations of the local Early Mesolithic subsistence, evidently including particular places for gathering and processing raw material. A comparison between the microlithic spectrum left behind and the number of points produced as concluded from the microburins indicates a greater typological differentiation than previously assumed for the Early Mesolithic. The remarkable variability of scraper forms obviously intentionally abandoned in a high number and replaced by new tools emphasizes the strong influence of functional elements on the typological assemblage composition. It is suggested that Early Mesolithic assemblages could display rather functional requirements or tasks performed than significant chronological or regional influences. In addition, the combination of 14C, OSL and pedology helped to reconstruct the aeolian accumulation/erosion dynamics and to present a considerable sequence of processes, some of which are closely connected with human activities. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: An analysis of possible developmental-functional causes of cranial form suggests that the morphology of ‘robust’ Pleistocene/Early Holocene Australians such as Willandra Lakes Human 50 might best be explained by four underlying factors: possession of a (1) large neurocranium, (2) narrow cranial base, (3) viscerocranium with considerable midfacial projection, and (4) large dentition, especially the cheek teeth, with their associated large jaws and high volume masticatory muscles. Some of these features are likely to be highly heritable, while others are caused/exaggerated by influences from ageing processes, diet, and a hunter-gatherer lifestyle in an arid environment. These underlying ‘causes’ are either apomorphies of Homo sapiens (1 and 2) and thus absent from pre-modern specimens such as from Ngandong, or represent plesiomorphic features of latter Homo (3 and 4). It is concluded that combining current knowledge of cranial development-function with genetic studies of the population history of Aboriginal Australians provides the most parsimonious solution to understanding their origins. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: A study of the movement of people within Northeast Asia at the end of the Pleistocene is critical for understanding how and when some of the first human populations entered North America. Chemical source studies of obsidian may provide the evidence necessary to document people''s migrations between these regions. Sixty two obsidian artifacts from the late Pleistocene and Holocene Ushki Lake sites in Kamchatka Peninsula were analyzed by instrumental neutron activation analysis (INAA). Data generated demonstrate that multiple obsidian sources throughout Kamchatka were exploited by the inhabitants of Ushki Lake, and allow us to document long-distance population movements during the late Pleistocene and Holocene. It is reasonable to expect that obsidian from Kamchatka might have been transported to Alaska. This is true for the Chukotka region of Northeastern Siberia; obsidian from Chukotka has been found in late Holocene archaeological sites in Alaska. Ultimately, an expanded study that includes all areas of Northeast Asia and Alaska may provide the data necessary to document the earliest movements of people in these regions. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: This paper addresses the spatial and temporal dimensions of knapping routines through analysis of refit data. Many reconstructions of lithic tool production utilising refit data concentrate upon ‘how’ a piece of stone is taken apart, and less often consider the ‘when’ and ‘where’. Lower Palaeolithic artefacts are frequently viewed as belonging to simplistic technical systems in which tools were made and used as and when required, showing little temporal depth. Modern knappers can replicate the components of the Acheulean toolkit, such as a biface, in around 15 minutes. The predominant use of local raw materials and the relatively simple reduction sequences observed on many Middle Pleistocene sites has given rise to the view that Acheulean hominins possessed an immediate approach to technology, and that artefacts did not stay in the technological system very long. In contrast, other researchers have stressed the increased planning abilities of hominins in relation to their stone tool-making and using routines. Increased planning abilities are often cited as a diagnostic feature of modern human cognition. As such, tracing the emergence of these abilities is an important avenue of research in human evolution. The aim of this paper is to investigate how the process of lithic production was organised on several Middle Pleistocene sites in northwest Europe. By comparing refitting sequences from several primary context sites, the different stages of reduction present at these locations can be reconstructed. Since refit sets record the work carried out in one place and time by an individual, they can be used to reconstruct the spatial and temporal dimension of these past technological activities. The analysis shows fragmentation of reduction sequences was a common occurrence, suggesting a more dynamic approach to tool-making and using activities than has previously been recognised. The analysis provides a description of these artefact dynamics, and discusses the underlying cognitive mechanisms of this behaviour. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

• This study explores the cuisine of Hokkaidō Jōmon hunter-gatherer societies. • We combine in-depth analysis of tool-kits and site locations to predict culinary traditions at 18 different sites in five regions spanning the full Hokkaidō Jōmon sequence (ca. 14,500–2300 cal BP). These predictions are tested via organic residue analysis of 169 sherds from prehistoric cooking pots. • Despite compelling evidence that diverse tool-kits had supported a broad-based subsistence economy at both coastal and inland sites, the results demonstrate that pottery had primarily been used to process aquatic resources, including salmonids at inland sites, and marine resources along the coast. • In contrast, evidence for the processing of plants and terrestrial game in the cooking pots was infrequent, and it seems that these resources were being processed in other ways. • The insights confirm the potential of organic residue analysis, but also suggest that archaeologists should look "beyond the cooking pot" to fully understand the origins and regional diversification of Jōmon cuisine. The goal of this contribution is to stimulate a wider reflection on the role of food consumption practices throughout prehistory. We focussed on the Jōmon communities of Hokkaidō Island in Northern Japan since these mobile foragers underwent a process of economic diversification and intensification, eventually leading to higher levels of sedentism across the Pleistocene-Holocene transition. Moreover, dynamic social settings and expansion of the subsistence base at the start of the Holocene would have provided rich opportunities for novel food combinations, and potentially, the rise of diverse regional cuisines. We investigated tool kits and resource landscapes, and sampled pottery from a range of sites, phases and regions. We then applied organic residue analysis to confirm the actual spatiotemporal patterning in cuisine. Although we predicted that ruminants and nuts would have played a major role in local cuisine, especially in inland areas, our results indicate that aquatic resources were central to pottery-based cuisines across the island, and that other food groups had probably been processed in other ways. While organic residue analysis enabled us to reconstruct some major patterns in Jōmon cuisine, we conclude that archaeologists will need to look "beyond the cooking pot" to fully appreciate the full diversity of local foodways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]