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We report two EEG/ERP experiments that examined processing of repeated name (e.g., Bill; Experiment 1) and pronoun (e.g., he; Experiment 2) subject anaphors to single antecedents (e.g., Bill) and to antecedents embedded in a conjunction (e.g., Bill and Mary) within sentences and discourses. Experiment 1 replicated previous reports of repeated references to single antecedents eliciting greater N400 negativity than repeated references to conjoined antecedents within sentences, and extended these results to cross-sentence (discourse) references. Experiment 2 found that pronouns also elicited greater N400 negativity following single than conjoined antecedents. In both experiments, references to conjoined antecedents elicited greater frontal negativity than references to single antecedents in both sentences and discourse. Our results indicate that, in processing subject anaphors, the N400 is an index of reference predictability rather than a marker of the fit between antecedent salience and reference form, and that frontal negativity marks referential ambiguity elicited by conjoined phrases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: In this event-related brain potential (ERP) study, we examined how semantic and referential aspects of anaphoric noun phrase resolution interact during discourse comprehension. We used a full factorial design that crossed referential ambiguity with semantic incoherence. Ambiguous anaphors elicited a sustained negative shift (Nref effect), and incoherent anaphors elicited an N400 effect. Simultaneously ambiguous and incoherent anaphors elicited an ERP pattern resembling that of the incoherent anaphors. These results suggest that semantic incoherence can preclude readers from engaging in anaphoric inferencing. Furthermore, approximately half of our participants unexpectedly showed common late positive effects to the three types of problematic anaphors. We relate the latter finding to recent accounts of what the P600 might reflect, and to the role of individual differences therein. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: This study investigates the online comprehension of Determiner Phrases (DPs) as a function of the given-new distinction in two-sentence texts in German and further focuses on DPs whose interpretation depends on inferential information (so-called ‘bridging relations’). Previous reaction time studies report an advantage of given over new information. In the present study, this difference is reflected in distinct neural mechanisms: event-related potentials reveal that previously introduced (i.e., given) DPs elicit a reduced N400, while new DPs show an enhanced N400 followed by a P600. Crucially, inferentially bridged DPs, which are hypothesized to share properties with new and given information, first pattern with given DPs (showing an attenuated N400) and then with new DPs (showing an enhanced P600). The data demonstrate that salience relations between DPs and prior context ease DP integration and that additional cost arises from the establishment of independent reference. They further reveal that processing cost associated with the interpretation of bridged DPs results from the anaphoric complexity of introducing an independent referent. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]