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Background: The prevalence of vaping among young people is a public health crisis. Social norms can contribute to the problem, but also to the solution. Objective: The current study examined young adults' responses to anti-vaping messages that varied on two features: social norms and behavioral framing. Methods: College students (N = 270) were randomly assigned to one of five conditions in a 2 (social norm: dynamic norm, static norm) X 2 (behavioral framing: vaping, not vaping) between-subjects factorial design with a no message control condition (n range = 49–58 in each condition). Results: Independent samples t-test, univariate analysis of variance, and structural equation modeling were used to test hypotheses and answer research questions. Results showed main effects of social norm, such that the dynamic (vs. static) norm message led to higher preconformity (p <.001) and self-efficacy (p =.012), and lower freedom threat (p =.040) and reactance (p <.001). There was also an indirect effect of dynamic norm on attitude as mediated by self-efficacy (p =.040). No main effect of behavioral framing was observed. Few interactions between social norm and behavioral framing were observed on preconformity (p <.001), anger (p <.001), and negative cognitions (p =.003). Conclusion: Overall, findings suggest a persuasive advantage for a dynamic norm relative to a static norm. Theoretically, these findings add to the literature suggesting the persuasiveness of dynamic norms. Practically, these results imply anti-vaping campaigns targeting young populations should communicate the changing (dynamic) norms in regard to (not) vaping. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Imagine if more and more households in your community started separating waste, would this trend inspire you to do the same? Previous research on social norms has been predominantly static, focusing on individual behavior and neglecting the potential of leveraging group dynamics. To address this gap, we conducted two field studies using group feedback to activate dynamic norms. Using an A-B-A time-series design in two communities, we collected 21,555 observations of waste disposal behavior. During the intervention period, we publicly displayed the weekly changing participation rates of household kitchen waste separation within the community, a strategy referred to as dynamic normative feedback. Both communities experienced a significant increase in participation in waste separation. Furthermore, the feedback effect persisted for up to three months after the intervention was removed. Our findings demonstrate that group dynamic normative feedback could be an effective strategy for promoting long-term separation behavior and have implications for waste management.

This study investigates the influence of dynamic norms messages on behavioral intention via perceived future descriptive norms for two different pro-environmental behaviors and tests for the moderating role of group identity in the relationship between dynamic norms and behavior. The findings of an experiment show that perceived future descriptive norms mediate the effect of dynamic norms messages on behavioral intention. In addition, the pattern of dynamic norms message effects is dependent on group identity. When the reference group in a message is viewed as an in-group member and similar to oneself, dynamic norms messages are more influential than conventional low descriptive norms messages; on the other hand, when the reference group is perceived as an out-group and dissimilar to oneself, conventional low descriptive norms messages are more influential than dynamic norms messages. Theoretical and practical implications are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An emerging line of research has been exploring how changes in social norms can lay the ground for shifts toward sustainability. This pre-registered study investigated the influence of communicating static and dynamic norms (2 Static x 2 Dynamic, between-subjects design) on respondents' beliefs, intentions, information-seeking behavior, and policy support regarding plant-based food. Here, static norms referred to a minority of consumers who believed that plant-based food has a crucial role in sustainability transitions. Dynamic norms referred to how the number of people endorsing this belief had been increasing. The findings (N = 492) revealed that communicating the dynamic aspect of the minority belief increased participants' endorsement of that same belief. Moreover, exposure to dynamic norms (alone or with static norms) had a small positive effect on policy support. These findings add to the growing body of knowledge on dynamic-norm communication. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While decreasing their meat consumption is one of the most impactful behaviours an individual may carry out to reduce their carbon emissions, it is still a minority behaviour in many parts of the world. Research suggests that communicating information about changing ‘dynamic’ norms may be a useful tool for changing attitudes and behaviours in the direction of those currently held by the minority. This study uses a 2 × 2 mixed design (norm type [dynamic/static] × visual cue [present/absent, and a no-task control), and a follow-up assessment after one week to investigate the effect of making dynamic norms salient on various meat consumption outcomes: attitudes towards meat consumption, interest in reducing one’s own meat consumption, intentions to reduce one’s own meat consumption and self-reported meat consumption. We used an online sample of British participants (N = 1294), ranging in age 18–77 (M age = 39.97, s.d.age = 13.71; 55.8% female). We hypothesized that: (i) dynamic norms will positively influence meat consumption outcomes; (ii) visual cues will accentuate the difference between norm conditions; (iii) using a visual cue will enhance the effect of dynamic norms; and (iv) any effects of dynamic norms will endure over a period of one week. We found no positive effect of dynamic norms (versus static norms) on any outcome at time 1, and no positive effect on changes in outcomes from time 1 to time 2. However, we found a positive interaction of norm type and visual cue at time 1 (although not from time 1 to time 2): the addition of a visual cue to dynamic norm messages enhanced the positive effect of the message at time 1 (but did not enhance the changes occurring from time 1 to time 2). Analyses for changes in self-reported meat consumption did not reach our evidential threshold. We discuss the practical and theoretical implications of these findings.

While decreasing their meat consumption is one of the most impactful behaviours an individual may carry out to reduce their carbon emissions, it is still a minority behaviour in many parts of the world. Research suggests that communicating information about changing 'dynamic' norms may be a useful tool for changing attitudes and behaviours in the direction of those currently held by the minority. This study uses a 2 × 2 mixed design (norm type [dynamic/static] × visual cue [present/absent, and a no-task control), and a follow-up assessment after one week to investigate the effect of making dynamic norms salient on various meat consumption outcomes: attitudes towards meat consumption, interest in reducing one's own meat consumption, intentions to reduce one's own meat consumption and self-reported meat consumption. We used an online sample of British participants ( N = 1294), ranging in age 18-77 ( M age = 13.71; 55.8% female). We hypothesized that: (i) dynamic norms will positively influence meat consumption outcomes; (ii) visual cues will accentuate the difference between norm conditions; (iii) using a visual cue will enhance the effect of dynamic norms; and (iv) any effects of dynamic norms will endure over a period of one week. We found no positive effect of dynamic norms (versus static norms) on any outcome at time 1, and no positive effect on changes in outcomes from time 1 to time 2. However, we found a positive interaction of norm type and visual cue at time 1 (although not from time 1 to time 2): the addition of a visual cue to dynamic norm messages enhanced the positive effect of the message at time 1 (but did not enhance the changes occurring from time 1 to time 2). Analyses for changes in self-reported meat consumption did not reach our evidential threshold. We discuss the practical and theoretical implications of these findings.age = 13.71; 55.8% female). We hypothesized that: (i) dynamic norms will positively influence meat consumption outcomes; (ii) visual cues will accentuate the difference between norm conditions; (iii) using a visual cue will enhance the effect of dynamic norms; and (iv) any effects of dynamic norms will endure over a period of one week. We found no positive effect of dynamic norms (versus static norms) on any outcome at time 1, and no positive effect on changes in outcomes from time 1 to time 2. However, we found a positive interaction of norm type and visual cue at time 1 (although not from time 1 to time 2): the addition of a visual cue to dynamic norm messages enhanced the positive effect of the message at time 1 (but did not enhance the changes occurring from time 1 to time 2). Analyses for changes in self-reported meat consumption did not reach our evidential threshold. We discuss the practical and theoretical implications of these findings., Competing Interests: We declare we have no competing interests, (© 2024 The Authors.)

Social norm perceptions are implicit standards describing what is typically done or seen as acceptable and have shown to be important both in sustaining meat consumption as well as facilitating meat reduction. Norm perceptions depend on individual differences and the contexts (e.g., supermarket, restaurant). Yet, evidence how norm perceptions differ within and across individuals is scarce. The primary aim of this study was to investigate how descriptive, injunctive, and personal norms perceptions favouring meat consumption differ across contexts and meat consumer groups. The second aim was to investigate how generic dynamic norm perceptions vary across meat consumer groups. British meat eaters (n = 1205, 25-65 years) participated in an online cross-sectional survey. Weekly meat, fish and meat substitute consumption was measured with the adapted Oxford Meat Frequency Questionnaire. All but dynamic norm perceptions were measured for the supermarket, restaurant and worksite cafeteria context. Dynamic norms were measured without a specified context. A two-step cluster analysis was conducted to identify meat consumer groups. Descriptive norm perceptions favouring meat consumption were strongest in supermarket and restaurant contexts, compared to the worksite cafeteria. Injunctive and personal norms favouring meat consumption were both perceived strongest in the supermarket, followed by the restaurant, and least in the worksite cafeteria context. Four meat consumer groups were identified and those with higher meat intake (i.e., Meat lovers and Exceeders) perceived norms favouring meat consumption stronger and norms favouring meat avoidance weaker than the groups with lower meat intake (i.e., Flexitarians and Moderates). While norm perceptions differed between meat consumer groups, the pattern of contextual differences is similar for these meat consumer groups. Our findings underscore the importance of considering contexts and meat consumer groups in efforts to reduce meat consumption., Competing Interests: Declaration of competing interest None., (Copyright © 2024 The Authors. Published by Elsevier Ltd.. All rights reserved.)