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In the 21st century, the imperative to combat extremism and terrorism has risen to the forefront of global and regional agendas, becoming an indispensable condition for fostering the secure and prosperous development of states amidst the formation of a new strategic order. This study aims to examine the peculiarities of combating religious extremism among the youth demographic, drawing insights from global experiences aimed at minimizing terrorist threats within this sphere. Two primary methodologies were adopted in this study: the comparative analysis method, which compares the factors contributing to youth extremism, and the descriptive method, which identifies the main features of radicalization processes across diverse countries worldwide. Examining the landscape of modern youth movements in Kazakhstan and their affiliations with various religious beliefs, it becomes evident that developing a comprehensive and cohesive legal framework is imperative to curtail the emergence of aggressive groups and address the root causes of student radicalization. Moreover, our study underscores the predominant reliance of modern youth on social networks as conduits for accessing information pertaining to mental health, traditional beliefs, and psychological support. Analysis of counter-radicalization efforts across nations reveals a spectrum of approaches adopted by state entities tasked with addressing this issue, often contingent upon the prevailing religious context. In Muslim-majority nations, scholars and public figures championing traditional values emerge as key agents in educating young people on the imperative of participating in radical groups. Conversely, in Western European countries, public organizations and institutions of higher learning emerge as pivotal actors in fostering effective counter-radicalization measures. The findings and insights gleaned from this study are poised to furnish a practical foundation for future research endeavors in this realm. Furthermore, they hold promise in informing the development of youth policies and the resolution of issues pertinent to religious dynamics within advanced societies.

According to the ACLU (2005), ". . .at times of national stress -- real or imagined -- First Amendment rights come under enormous pressure." So, too, academic freedom of expression for faculty, staff, and students has become a casualty in the post-9/11 world. Academics were criticized and reprimanded for not being patriotic enough. Using a conceptual framework that includes historical reanalysis, terror management theory, contradictory constructions of patriotism, and electronic discourse, this essay explores the nexus between patriotism and free expression in higher education. We examine historical trends in freedom of expression, analyze three higher education case studies (Chilling Churchill; 9/11 and Middle Eastern Studies; and Shunning Bob Jensen), and suggest why patriotism and censorship go hand and glove in times of national crisis. We end one a cautionary note, expressing concern about how easily words can be turned against academics, the very people who should have the highest level of protection for their words. Nearly 20 years ago, Professor Pat Somers joined the faculty at the University of Texas at Austin bringing her trademark wit and her seemingly indefatigable energy to root out injustice. The paper below represents one such branch of her academic curiosity in response to a perceived injustice to a fellow member of the Academy. This paper was first presented as a draft manuscript at the American Educational Research Association and later submitted to a notable journal. Unfortunately, a second paper on academic freedom was already included in the edition, but the editors encouraged Pat and her team to pursue other publications. And then, as with many things, this paper fell to the side as Pat pursued a new branch of academic curiosity and stewarded her many doctoral students through the dissertation process. As you will note in the dedication, Pat was a deeply curious and pedagogically dynamic member of the Academy and this paper stands at the ready for updating and resubmission. We present it today unadulterated as a testimony to Pat's prescience, her passion and her drive -- a historical glimpse into the early days of a very real threat to academic freedom that persists today.

Student translators at the College of Language Sciences take a Media and Political Translation course in which they translate the latest news stories, media and political texts and terminology. This study proposes a model for integrating Gaza-Israeli war terminology and texts in translation instruction to familiarize the students with terminology such as names of weapons (grenades, mortar, drones, missiles, Merkava, Cornet anti-armor, mortar shells), toponyms(Khan Younis, Maghazi, Sderot, Ashkelon), crossings (Rafah, Erez), Jihadist groups and brigades (Islamic Jihad, Golani), military actions (incursion, bombing, shelling, genocide, displacement) war metaphors (target bank, carpet bombing, scorched earth, fire belt, Philadelphia Axis, Hannibal's plan), (UNRWA, Gaza hospitals, starvation, humanitarian aid) and others. English and Arabic texts can be collected from mainstream media as RT, BBC, CNN, Al-Jazeera and Al-Ghad. A class blog can be created for posting translations, corrections, discussions, and feedback. The students can practice full, summary, and conceptual translation and avoid word-for-word translation. They can watch news stories about the Gaza-Israel war, write a summary translation of it and receive comments and feedback. Beginners can translate short news excerpts (few lines). Students make sure their translations are cohesive, make sense and are easy to read. Students should use Google Translate and artificial intelligence (AI) with caution and should read the same news story in both English and Arabic to get used to the terminology and their equivalents. The instructor serves as a facilitator. Further instructional guidelines and recommendations are given.

This research aimed to identify the role of the secondary school in confronting cyberterrorism in the kingdom of Saudi Arabia. The research used the descriptive approach with a questionnaire to achieve the aim of this study. The questionnaire consisted of (37) statements which are distributed for four dimensions which are: the role of each teacher, the role of the school administration, the role of school courses and activities and the role of the school counselor in confronting cyberterrorism. The research revealed a great important role of the school in confronting cyberterrorism with a mean of (3.62) as it came after the role of school courses and activities which was followed by the role of the teacher, the role of the counselor, and the role of the school administration came last. In addition, the research recommended of developing the role of the school in confronting cyberterrorism by various thoughts, activities, and suggestions.

As a fundamental communication tool, media has undergone transformative changes throughout history. This has a lot to do with education. Each era has been characterized by its own unique media paradigms, from the invention of the printing press in the 15th century to the emergence of radio and television in the 20th century. These paradigms not only define how information is disseminated but also shape the social and political landscapes of their respective periods. In the modern age, the emergence of digital technology and the internet has brought about a new media paradigm that deeply influences every aspect of human interaction and the fabric of society. Today, new media, characterized by its interactivity, decentralization, and unprecedented access, dominates our daily lives. The significance of new media, which affects individual behaviors and global politics, economy, and cultures, cannot be underestimated. This process is also of great importance in terms of education. In particular, media literacy education will enable the individual to personally prepare for or otherwise intervene in the positive or negative aspects of their interaction with the media. From connecting distant communities to altering the dynamics of political campaigns, the impact of new media is ubiquitous. However, along with these advantages, new challenges have also emerged. One of the most concerning aspects of this shift in media is the potential for its exploitation by malicious groups, particularly evident in the rise of "terror agencies" utilizing new media platforms. These organizations adeptly employ new media tools for propaganda, recruitment, and operations, forming a symbiotic relationship that poses significant threats to global security. This article explores how new media paradigms enable the existence of terrorist organizations, the place of education in this regard, and what this complex relationship means for our interconnected world.

As part of citizenship education, the prevention of radicalization and extremism through education (PVE-E) is an urgent initiative of global educational policy. According to research, radicalized individuals, despite the ideology held, have mindsets that challenge equality and social justice. In this light, this study examines the intergroup mindsets of Finnish students aged 16-19 in vocational institutions through a mixed methods research survey (n = 383). Three distinct intergroup mindsets were found in a profile analysis. The findings demonstrate that the intergroup mindsets of the students are predominantly egalitarian, open-minded, and inclusive. However, there are also students whose mindsets are anti-egalitarian and pro-dominance, and for whom Finnishness is a marker of borders and social exclusion. If intensified and manipulated, the views of these youth may become radicalized with serious implications for national security and societal cohesion. We argue that in PVE-E, the focus on critical thinking must be complemented with transformative approaches that support the development of mindsets based on social justice and equality.

Following the 9/11 tragedies, the interest in Arabic language and culture in nontraditional destinations such as MENA (Middle East & North Africa) has become vastly obscured with sociocultural and political issues. The mandate to maintain national security served to designate the language and its destinations critical, producing the hegemony of a political rationality that thrives on the globalist commodification of language and risks the homogenization of world cultures. To interrogate these essentialist discourses and others, we examine the ideologies underlying MENA host-grounded discourses to discern the valorization of the language in those destinations, as steered by the needs of globalization and power relations. Drawing upon an adapted, complementary multimodal critical discourse analysis (MCDA) approach, the current study analyzes the linguistic and visual resources of three study abroad (SA) programs' websites. We argue that the orientalist gaze is bidirectional within the host and U.S. based discourse for matters of sociopolitical and economic interdependencies and that joint constructions of global hierarchies and economic inaccessibilities remain prevalent.

Interfaith initiatives are seen as promising sites for societal change and personal transformation. However, many questions about the actual outcomes of such initiatives have remained unanswered. Therefore, a systematic review was conducted, focusing on 1) the outcomes of interfaith initiatives and 2) the methods used to evaluate these outcomes. This review analyses 47 empirical studies on interfaith initiatives. The review of the initiatives' outcomes indicates that interfaith initiatives can positively impact participants' knowledge about other worldviews, communication skills and appreciation for other worldviews. At the same time, it can be challenging for interfaith initiatives to positively impact participants' knowledge of socio-political challenges, awareness of power imbalance and privilege and behaviour as interfaith leaders. The analysis of the methods used to evaluate the impact of interfaith initiatives shows that most studies used qualitative methods. For studies using quantitative or mixed methods designs, a variety of measurement instruments were used, whereby there was little overlap or consensus regarding the concepts being used. The findings of this article will stimulate scholars to focus more on learning activities and evaluation methods that take societal learning outcomes into consideration. It emphasises the need to build on previous evaluation and research efforts.

It could be argued that the current adult education paradigm aligns with a liberal knowledge economy. A more critical perspective is Paulo Freire's banking education concept that removes criticality from a learner's repertoire and facilitates alignment with the prevalent liberal education and its hegemonic objectives. Drawing from Paulo Freire's (1990) Pedagogy of the Oppressed, Flores (2017) suggested that banking education teaches the oppressed to accept the oppressor's social framework. In this paper, and through the analysis of news media articles and policy documents, the author examines the phenomenon of terrorism and how a Western worldview constructs and engages in meaning-making for the reader. As a result, the author proposes a more critical cognizant adult learning model. Drawing from Habermasian theory, the need to cultivate humanity, and criticality as practiced by Critical Discourse Analysis, the author proposes a learning model construct of evolving criticality, emancipatory in intent, complex in its components and their relationships, with the intent of giving back agency to citizens.

Within the social imaginary of Australia's dominant 'White' culture, ethnic minority men, particularly Muslim men, are often depicted as 'folk devils,' resistant to the cultural norms of mainstream society. Muslim masculinities have been problematically conflated with notions of radicalisation, terrorism and violent extremism. There has been decidedly less attention to Muslim men's acclimatisation to the secular mainstream. This article presents a longitudinal case study of two second-generation young Australian-Muslim men who have attended an Islamic secondary school and spent most of their lives within a cloistered Islamic community. We document their experiences and aspirations as they come to be in higher education. The article considers the discursive production of identities of these men during a liminal time in their lives and how they construct their identities in relation to familial and community-based expectations around success and failure.

The proposal to turn the so-called Cartoon Crisis into the obligatory history curriculum of the primary school system has been debated publicly over the years. Pros and cons regarding its integration into a teaching environment have been put forward. Since 2021, the proposal has also been formally debated as a bill and put to vote in the Danish parliament two times -- each time voted down by the current government. Despite the bill's defeat, I present here a number of principled arguments for making the so-called Cartoon Crisis (including the actual drawings) an obligatory teaching subject in the Danish school system. The arguments can be summed up as an encouragement to 'Teach the Crisis'. Choosing not to include the Crisis and its primary sources in the teaching will only instal the proverbial elephant in the classroom and is probably a short-term solution for the cultural, social, and political challenges that Denmark will meet in the future.

The issue of violent extremism has given rise to new policy debates in Norway. A key limitation of these debates, often grounded in naïve assumptions about the peacebuilding effect of education, is the downplay of emotions and dissent in democratic engagement. This article analyses how selected educators in Norway describe encountering and engaging with extremist students for educational interventional purposes. Previous research suggests that educational efforts to counter violent extremism can be exclusionary from the perspective of target audiences. In contrast, this study draws on agonistic pluralism to provide an alternative to understand educational approaches that may help students disengage from violent extremism. The findings show that the selected educators argue the importance of trust, support and tolerance when engaging with extremist students. For these professionals, education should not downplay radical or extreme emotions but rather place them at the centre of educational engagement. Furthermore, it is suggested that educators' empathic engagement may open the path for young people to disengage from violent extremism.

Historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs) were founded with the principal mission to educate Black people during an era when they were barred from most postsecondary opportunities. Today, these institutions play a vital role in the higher education landscape and help to insure the long-term viability of the U.S. economy. This research explored public discourse regarding HBCU bomb threats during 2022 and how public comments reflected on issues of race(ism), power, intimidation and domestic terrorism as a continuation of historical violence against Black Americans. The authors employed critical content analysis techniques and Critical Race Theory, while examining social media posts from X (formerly known as Twitter) as an innovative data source regarding public dialogue. The findings discuss two overarching themes within public discourse about these campus safety threats - (1) racism and White supremacy; and (2) political (in)action. These findings provide insights concerning perceptions of historical and contemporary racial oppression and terrorism experienced by Black individuals. The findings also highlight discourse concerning the ways in which racism and White supremacy were perpetuated by national political forces and (in)actions. Moreover, the findings reflect the ways in which public discourse situate racism as a norm in the U.S.

The contemporary landscape of dread in living and teaching demands a creative and experimental form of investigation that can trace the affective contours of the present and uncover the obscure openings for an oppositional imagination. In a series of interlinked excurses, this essay articulates a poetic probing of the nexus of slow fascism and capitalist realism in the contemporary United States, as this is lived in the waking dreams of pedagogy and imaginative praxis. Looking beyond familiar analyses, this project exposes the terror of loss that motivates the punishments visited upon school and society by elites and points to the spectral presence of justice, which lives with us as persistent horizon even as it is persistently refused by power. Interleaved with these unravelings of the texture of experience as domination, this project gestures toward a thinking and teaching that is wise to capitalism's recurrent fantasies. This pedagogy inverts the certainties that organize our senses of knowledge and curriculum, navigates the hidden topology of the real (beyond the reflexive affirmation in schools of "what is"), and proposes an unruly form of thought that moves out past the walls that sign the edge of the classroom and the edge of the truth. This project does not announce a settled approach but rather challenges the limits of the familiar at the level of our structures of feeling. We feel the terror of the given in the present, but we can also follow the seam of experience toward the point at which its impositions are attached--in spite of themselves--to the confounding/liberatory logic of the "impossible."

Media exposure to graphic images of violence has proliferated in contemporary society, particularly with the advent of social media. Extensive exposure to media coverage immediately after the 9/11 attacks and the Boston Marathon bombings (BMB) was associated with more early traumatic stress symptoms; in fact, several hours of BMB-related daily media exposure was a stronger correlate of distress than being directly exposed to the bombings themselves. Researchers have replicated these findings across different traumatic events, extending this work to document that exposure to graphic images is independently and significantly associated with stress symptoms and poorer functioning. The media exposure-distress association also appears to be cyclical over time, with increased exposure predicting greater distress and greater distress predicting more media exposure following subsequent tragedies. The war in Israel and Gaza, which began on October 7, 2023, provides a current, real-time context to further explore these issues as journalists often share graphic images of death and destruction, making media-based graphic images once again ubiquitous and potentially challenging public well-being. For individuals sharing an identity with the victims or otherwise feeling emotionally connected to the Middle East, it may be difficult to avoid viewing these images. Through a review of research on the association between exposure to graphic images and public health, we discuss differing views on the societal implications of viewing such images and advocate for media literacy campaigns to educate the public to identify mis/disinformation and understand the risks of viewing and sharing graphic images with others.

This article examines the appeal of Serbian nationalist ideology among the contemporary far right. We argue that the discursive othering of Bosnian Muslims as “Turks” as well as the Serbian grand narrative presenting the Bosnian War as a civilizational struggle between Christian Europe and Islam are uniquely resonant with the popular anti-Muslim and xenophobic discourses that are mobilizing right-wing extremists across the globe. Through an analysis of Serbian and far-right discourses, we demonstrate how the patterns of representation that were used to incite and justify the violence committed against Bosnian Muslims in the 1990s are being exported to remote corners of the world via the internet, where they merge with extraneous Islamophobic and racist ideologies to inspire a new generation of extremism, hatred, and violence.

Street networks allow people and goods to move through cities, but they are vulnerable to disasters like floods, earthquakes, and terrorist attacks. Well-planned network design can make a city more resilient and robust to such disruptions, but we still know little about worldwide patterns of vulnerability, or worldwide empirical relationships between specific design characteristics and resilience. This study quantifies and measures the vulnerability of the street networks of every urban area in the world then models the relationships between vulnerability and street network design characteristics. To do so, we simulate over 2.4 billion trips across more than 8,000 urban areas in 178 countries, while also simulating network disruption events representing floods, earthquakes, and targeted attacks. We find that disrupting high-centrality nodes severely impacts network function. All else equal, networks with higher connectivity, fewer chokepoints, or less circuity are less vulnerable to disruption's impacts. This study thus contributes a new global understanding of network design and vulnerability to the literature. We argue that these design characteristics offer high leverage points for street network resilience and robustness that planners should emphasize when designing or retrofitting urban networks.

The creative impetus for conducting scientific research on the topic of the study was a rather underdeveloped layer of activity of pre-trial investigation bodies in documenting a certain category of war crimes. At present, we are talking about violations of the laws and customs of war in the context of studying one of the forms of the objective side of a criminal offense - cruel treatment of prisoners of war combined with premeditated murder. Considering the difficult situation with the release of Azovstal's defenders into "honorable captivity," a decision that was made at a high state level and lasted from May 16 to 21, 2022, it should be noted that all expectations regarding the implementation of the humanitarian component in accordance with the norms of International Humanitarian Law have not been met. So far, we have received completely different consequences of the desired rescue of the military, who were actually trapped in an enemy trap. Thus, on the night of July 29, 2022, in the former Volnovakha Penal Colony No. 120, located in the village of Molodizhne of the Olenivka Village Council of the Donetsk region (temporarily occupied territory), Russian occupation forces committed a terrorist act, which, according to official data, killed 53 and wounded more than 130 prisoners of war from among the defenders of Azovstal. According to the Ombudsman Dmytro Lubinets, "This is a public execution of officially confirmed, verified Ukrainian prisoners of war who were taken prisoner. According to the Geneva Convention, they were confirmed through the verification procedure by the International Committee of the Red Cross. They were representatives of one military unit of the National Guard of Ukraine..." Unfortunately, due to the complicated and actually suspended exchange of prisoners of war by the occupation authorities, cases of murder (extrajudicial executions) and torture of our military in captivity have become more frequent. Therefore, one of the main tasks of pre-trial investigation bodies should be to tactically correctly and timely document a war crime that is rather complex in its design -- violation of the laws and customs of war in the form of ill-treatment of prisoners of war, if it is combined with intentional murder. The timely and correct qualification of such an act should help improve the tactics and methods of investigation by addressing the practical challenges that arise during the pre-trial investigation. First and foremost, it is necessary to ensure clear interaction between several law enforcement agencies (the National Police of Ukraine and the Security Service of Ukraine), whose activities overlap in the plane of jurisdiction. Law enforcement agencies should not only continue each other's work, but also initiate pre-trial investigations with a clear understanding of the basic algorithm of coordinated actions to prevent loss of evidence with the possibility of further use of the collected evidence in the International Criminal Court. Judicial practice on this issue is currently being formed, but despite this, it is necessary to create and develop a unified algorithm of actions that should be based on the exclusive legality of the evidence obtained. The scientific research conducted in this under-researched area, reinforced by practical experience, will contribute to a deeper understanding of the issues of peculiarities of criminal law qualification and tactics of certain procedural actions during pre-trial investigation in criminal proceedings on the facts of violation of the laws and customs of war, if they are combined with premeditated murder, where the form of the objective side is cruel treatment of prisoners of war. The provisions proposed in this article are intended to be recommendatory for synergy in the work of specialists of pre-trial investigation units and the prosecutor's office in formulating an algorithm for proving the above facts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]