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Indigenous Southern Africans say that their laws are fundamentally grounded in the principle of Ubu‐Ntu (humane‐ness), but their communities are found empirically to often show the opposite of that law. Why is this? What is the law to which they lay claim to having? What are its roots and how can we reliably trace and know them? Reverting to the deep (i.e., unrecorded/unwritten precolonial) history of the Ntu, who make up the largest language group of Indigenous inhabitants of Sub‐Saharan Africa, this article digs into the deep origins of Ntu identity and being. Based on evidence drawing simultaneously from the alter‐Native intellectual roots of the Ntu and ethnographic findings on articulations of vernacular law in Nguni‐speaking society in South Africa today, the article makes the decolonizing case that Indigenous law lays claim to having its own constitutional law (in which its peoples’ social compact is grounded), with its very own conception of rights, that is wholly due (legal) recognition and respect in place of laws born of colonial logics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Adaptation efforts need to be advanced significantly, involving multiple actors and a diverse portfolio of options. Despite this being well established, there is little understanding of different actors’ perceptions of adaptation goals and their associated expectations regarding roles and responsibilities to achieve them. In this analysis, we seek to address this gap by elucidating the diverging viewpoints held by various actor groups concerning adaptation objectives, target beneficiaries, and the distribution of roles and responsibilities for adaptation. Here, we use the case study of flood risk in Mumbai, drawing upon qualitative interview data collected through key informant interviews with diverse stakeholders including state, civil society, and academic actors. Interviews revealed stark disparities between state and non-state actors, in particular on the objective of efficiency, largely emphasized by state actors for physical infrastructure measures. Other contested objectives included ecosystem protection and fairness for vulnerable populations. The findings showed consensus on the importance of planning. Non-state actors heavily debated the lack of planning and implementation of institutional changes and ecosystem-based measures. They called for a stronger role of the state in caretaking and fairness for vulnerable populations, mainly through deeper institutional changes. Overall, the findings point to the urgent need for understanding how actors navigate competing priorities, make trade-offs, and negotiate conflicting viewpoints on the distribution of roles and responsibilities. This paper makes an empirical and conceptual contribution to the debates on “social contracts” for adaptation, offering an operationalization of the concept and application to a real-world example through an actor lens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractBackgroundMethodsResultsConclusionWhile debates on drug policy express a range of ethical viewpoints, many are underpinned by core ideas drawn from liberal philosophy. Much recent analysis on the moral principles underpinning drug policy debates focuses on differences between reformers and supporters of the status quo. Less attention has been given to divergences among advocates for drug policy reform, which often hinge on the interpretation and application of liberal principles.This paper examines three concepts from liberal philosophy in relation to drug policy debates: ‘positive’ and ‘negative’ freedom, rational autonomy, and social contract. The articulation of these ideas, and the extent to which they underpin different positions on policy reform, is explored with reference to three areas of advocacy: legal regulation; decriminalization; and harm reduction.Agreement on drug policy reforms does not necessarily imply shared views regarding concepts of freedom, rational autonomy, or social contract. Specific policy solutions may be supported by a range of ethical and political positions and can serve as points where divergent, and sometimes conflicting, philosophical perspectives converge.Drug policy advocacy expresses a range of underpinning moral, political, and philosophical perspectives. Recognizing commonalities and differences among these perspectives is important for coalition-building and strategic planning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT Contemporary ontological constructivism often rests on the belief that social reality emerges from tacit agreements, underpinning mutual expectations and trust. In social theory, the concept of agreement has evolved from explicit social contracts to normative consensus and the idea of tacit knowledge that subtly binds social actors. This article challenges this prevailing approach by dissecting various constructivist positions and exposing the implications of agreement‐based ontological constructivism on our understanding of culture, norms, and society. The author revisits an alternative perspective, claiming that human society is equally a structure of disagreement. Emphasizing disagreement advocates for a realistic social theory and highlights the vital role of fiction in shaping social life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The goal of this article is to motivate the idea of a social reason and demonstrate its usefulness in social theorizing. For example, in a society that values getting married young, the fact that one is young is a reason to get married. In racist and sexist societies, we have social reasons to be racist and sexist. Social reasons give rise to social requirements and obligations, where these requirements often conflict with prudential and moral requirements. My application of reasons to social philosophy parallels Charles Mills' and Carole Pateman's applications of social contract theory to political philosophy. While they use social contract theory to make sense of patriarchy and white supremacy, I use the theory of normative reasons to make sense of social injustice. The theory of normative reasons meets non‐ideal theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: Social media facilitate the distribution of conspiracy theories. It is uncertain whether indeed the number of myths and also the number of those who appropriate myths has increased. Conspiracy theories have so far essentially been the subject of sociological and psychosociological research showing a general disposition to become infected irrespective of the topic of a myth. Are there specific psychopathological risk factors for becoming infected by conspiracy myths? Are there effective therapeutic or preventive measures? Methods: A systematic search was carried out in PubMed using the query "conspir*[title] AND review" followed by manual selection and appraisal only of publications addressing conspiracy theories in general, i.e. not limited to specific myths, with a focus on systematic reviews and meta-analyses. Moreover, the publications identified were manually screened for further meta-analyses. Results: The search resulted in 166 hits. The available evidence is essentially based on studies using questionnaires, which can clarify only associations but not causalities. The evidence suggests that the strongest correlates of conspiratorial ideation pertain to low cognitive abilities, nonanalytic style of thought resulting in reduced balancing of probabilities before deciding, feelings of loss of control, paranoia, schizotypy and the dark triad (narcissism, Machiavellianism, authoritarianism). Conclusion: Specific psychological characteristics are risk factors for conspiratorial ideation. Current research approaches are unsuitable to clarify whether psychiatric disorders are overrepresented. Sociodemographic risk factors include male gender, low level of education, low income, social isolation and are non-specific. Group processes promote, again presumably nonspecifically, conspiracy theories thus contributing to social polarization. The genetic basis and neurobiological mechanisms are unknown. Conspiracy theories were and are used as an instrument of political contention. The enlightened democratic social contract requires free, unbiased thinking. Consequently, the risk factors identified so far facilitate conspiratorial ideation and question the very fundaments of the social contract by impairing unbiased evaluation and decision making. Therefore, prevention is warranted.. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives: There is growing evidence of intergroup hostility between vaccinated and unvaccinated individuals, a process of polarization that threatens to derail population health efforts. This study explores the moral underpinnings of intergroup antipathy between vaccinated and unvaccinated individuals. Design: A cross‐sectional design was employed to investigate the associations between the view of vaccination as a social contract or individual choice, perceived vulnerability to disease, perceptions of outgroup morality, feelings of warmth, and experiences of schadenfreude. Methods: Data were extracted from an online, quantitative survey of 233 vaccinated and 237 unvaccinated participants collected between June and July 2022. Results: Results revealed that vaccinated people had stronger negative attitudes towards unvaccinated people than vice versa. In line with hypotheses, the extent to which vaccinated people saw vaccination as a social contract was significantly associated with perceiving unvaccinated people as immoral. For unvaccinated people, seeing vaccination as an individual choice (the opposite of a social contract) was significantly associated with perceiving vaccinated people as immoral. Among both groups, viewing the other as immoral was associated with feeling significantly less warmth towards the opposing vaccination group, and more schadenfreude in the face of an outgroup member's suffering. Participants' perceived vulnerability to disease played a relatively small role in explaining polarization between vaccinated and unvaccinated people. Conclusions: This research builds on previous studies by identifying moral mechanisms associated with intergroup antipathy in the vaccine debate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The legal frameworks that govern access to information are essential for safeguarding a sustainable, creative ecosystem. Institutions, such as libraries, research organizations, educational and other cultural heritage institutions, are gateways to diverse collections of scientific production, media and other cultural artefacts. Enabling access to creative works requires careful balancing of the interest of creators, producers of information, publishers and users of that information. While copyright law has traditionally recognized that rightholders enjoy exclusive rights, courts have only recently emphasized that users of works must also enjoy rights, which better reflects that copyright is based on a social contract with reciprocal obligations. This study explores what positive obligations must be imposed on rightholders as a consequence of the rights users enjoy under copyright law. Although specific access-enabling mechanisms already exist in EU copyright law, they are often not properly implemented or lack efficient enforcement tools. For that purpose, certain exceptions and limitations must be made mandatory, prohibitions on contractual override must apply horizontally, privileged institutions should enjoy enforceable rights to obtain copies on reasonable terms, and the existing 'lending' right must become a 'right to lend'. Supporting these substantive changes is the proposal for a new governance structure for the EU copyright framework through the establishment of an independent EU regulatory body. It is only through a blend of changes that copyright can serve society and that a sound ecosystem for creators and creativity is set up making the EU fit for the knowledge economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article the authors investigate how high unemployment and sustained economic crisis influence employee beliefs regarding their employers' psychological contract (PC) obligations. Based on 32 semi-structured interviews with Greek white-collar employees, the authors compare PC changes among workers with pre-crisis work experience and others whose entire work lives coincide with the crisis. The majority of participants perceive their employer to exploit the crisis, demanding more of workers while offering them less. Those participants who remained with their pre-crisis employer held more positive perceptions. At the same time, social comparison and sense of gratitude influence how individuals interpret their employee–employer obligations. These factors buffer how individuals interpret their employer's PC fulfillment in the crisis economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that for humanity to deal with the intersecting, existential threats of polycrisis, broad-based narrative changes are needed to make practical and relevant eco-social (or social ecological) imaginaries and related contracts. An imaginary is how people conceive or think about the world around them and their relationship to it. Social contracts are explicit and implicit agreements about how humans structure their social institutions, including rights and obligations, privileges, benefits, and restrictions. Current imaginaries (and related contracts) are almost solely human-centric, while the shift argued for here is towards eco-social imaginaries, in which both humans and nature are granted rights to flourish. Such new imaginaries have the potential to shift ideas about humans as actors in the world towards life-centric eco-social understandings in which human beings are seen as part of and interdependent with nature, and develop economies and societies oriented towards wellbeing for both humans and nature. While historically social imaginaries and their related social contracts have been human-centric, more ecologically centric imaginaries have been emerging for several decades, and in the early 2020s, as this paper documents, have now begun to become explicit. This paper identifies seven recent efforts to define and make explicit the broad parameters of such eco-social imaginaries that might be widely deployed to begin the difficult and long-term process of systemic change needed to achieve flourishing for humans and nature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this research, we empirically examine the structural and macroeconomic determinants of unemployment rates in the Gulf Cooperation Council countries, distinguished by age and gender. We examine several hypotheses regarding the influence of long-run economic growth, labour market flexibility, and the social contract on unemployment rates. Using panel data for the period 2000–2020 and country and time fixed effects estimation methodology, empirical evidence shows that long-run growth reduces unemployment rates regardless of age and gender (except for female youth unemployment rate). Wage flexibility reduces most unemployment rates. Urbanization reduces total and male unemployment rates, while population density reduces total and female unemployment rates. In contrast to these determinants, linking pay to productivity, increases female, total youth, and male youth unemployment rates. Openness ratio increases total, total youth, male and male youth unemployment rates but not female and female youth unemployment rates. The paper has important policy implications for reducing unemployment rates in the Gulf Cooperation Council countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we critically examine the 2022 UK Digital Strategy and argue that the UK government adopts with this policy document a customer-centric vision of governance, which undermines the traditional role of the government as a provider of public services with principles of justice and impartiality. This shift, exacerbated by digital poverty, appears incongruent with the social contract between citizens and the state. We employ a critical discourse analysis to identify contradictory outcomes resulting from these neoliberal policies and showcase that the UK Digital Strategy, while seemingly committed to aspects of equality and inclusivity, appear to prioritise almost entirely market rather than citizens' interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public K-12 education in the United States struggles with competing narratives regarding its function and role. The neoliberal push to quantify education has led to increased legislation relating to state testing as well as public debate about teachers’ roles and responsibilities. A case study of teachers who were teaching in Oklahoma at the time of the 2018 Oklahoma Teacher Walkout offers insight into how teachers negotiate these competing narratives. Many teachers considered teaching to be a “calling,” which aligns with social contract theory where individuals will yield personal interests for the common good. Teachers viewed their occupation as time-intensive and described themselves using the competing narratives caregiver and expert. Teachers described their social contract in ways that align with the ideas of caveat emptor or bait and switch. The 2018 Oklahoma Teacher Walkout occurred because the social contract was broken, and teachers began advocating for themselves. A new communication theory I call the coercion of social responsibility (CoerSR) explains how internalized social contracts acted to constrain teachers’ actions. The ways in which teachers countered CoerSR are identified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a country still experiencing localised conflict, massive chronic poverty, widespread food insecurity, and the recurrent risk of famine, with a fragile government competing for legitimacy and highly dependent on donor finance, is it reasonable to expect social assistance to contribute to social contract formation? This article explores political economy analyses of what other contracts or bargains might be more important to the government and asks whether particular features or elements of social assistance programmes might contribute to improved state–society relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rise of political polarization and disagreement within the United States and other democracies indicates an erosion of the social contract, a deterioration exacerbated by the balkanization of social media, that can negatively impact our social relationships. Recent anti–Critical Race Theory (CRT) narratives in education provide insights into how policy narratives can be used to sow distrust in an educational context. In this paper Jane Lo and candace moore argue for the ways policy narratives can sow distrust as opposed to mistrust. Mistrust points to an ongoing process of determining trustworthiness, while distrust connotes a more decisive and deliberate lack of trust in a person or institution. Lo and moore argue that educational research should pay more attention to the building of trust or mistrust in schools in the current context, where the anti‐CRT policy narrative, through amplifying and manipulating existing anxieties and fears in order to motivate political action, capitalizes on and seeks to reinforce the natural mistrust of schooling. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the years after 1905, catastrophic war, widespread political and social unrest, and rising demands from across all segments of the empire's population forced the Russian imperial state to develop a rudimentary social contract with military personnel and implement a series of reforms to prevent the reoccurrence of military disaster and mass social unrest. These reforms entitled disabled veterans to some forms of state support that were denied to their civilian counterparts, including assistance finding work, pensions, and free prosthetic devices. These entitlements were part of a broader shift away from paternalistic approaches to social welfare provision toward the early germinations of a gendered and selective welfare state. Disability support was dependent on proximity to the military, which cemented the idea that civic inclusion—and by extension, Russian manhood—was something achieved only through military service. This article examines interactions between veterans with disabilities and representatives of the Russian imperial state to explore shifting conceptions of masculinity and the development of new political subjectivities in the aftermath of war. The Russian imperial military can be regarded as a test site within which masculine identities were negotiated and reconfigured amid the social, economic, and political transformations of the late imperial period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Whilst the challenges brought about by the Arab Spring have been severe to many Middle Eastern and North African countries, the political stability of Morocco has offered a sharp contrast in the eyes of academics. Prompting one to ask what has caused such an exception? In examining the historical development of Morocco after its independence, we find that the answer to this question lies in the regime's ability in providing different social groups with economic and political deliverables through the use of social contracts, thus maintaining the country's stability. This article argues that it was this proficient management of social contracts that allowed Morocco to strive, as opposed to the tumultuous fate of its neighbours. Despite several social protests, the regime was able to successfully maintain the validity of its social contract through timely political and economic adjustments. The structure and effectiveness of such social contracts are intrinsically tied to Morocco's historical factors and power structure. Alongside with the successful management of its social contracts, the regime also, fairly proficiently, utilized patriotism, political manipulation and military control. The result being a relative stable society during the transitional periods in its social contracts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Environmental & Social Management Journal / Revista de Gestão Social e Ambiental is the property of Environmental & Social Management Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

There is growing recognition of the challenges faced by internally displaced people as well as the potential for subnational actors to contribute to durable solutions. Despite this, we know little about local government responses, both in theory and practice. This paper draws on governance theories, practitioner experience and secondary literature to analyse the governance context, processes and interactions that shape the experience of internal displacement in eastern Ukraine between 2014 and 2022. It argues that nascent relationships built between internally displaced people and local governments in eastern Ukraine reveal the possibility of bottom-up state-led responses. The paper intervenes in debates around rebuilding a "social contract" as a mechanism for resolving displacement, demonstrating why attention must be paid to how this occurs at local levels in places of refuge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

John Locke was a social contract theorist. He envisaged that individuals had domiciled in a state of nature, enjoying natural rights. But because of the insecurities of the natural state, individuals transitioned to the stability of civil society, guaranteed by a sovereign. There were fetters on the sovereign, however, such as passing laws for the public good. Is modern legislation to counter terrorism for the public good? Locke also expressly granted a right of resistance on the people. But is this right terrorism? Reflecting on these principles, this study examines counter-terror statutes and determines whether Locke would support them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

National resilience is a strategic concept that reflects the ability of a country to maintain its survival in the face of various threats, both domestic and foreign. Among the various pillars that underpin national resilience, democracy and human rights (HAM) play an important role. This study aims to determine and analyze the relationship between democracy, human rights, and national resilience from the point of view of theory and empirical evidence. This research uses a qualitative method with a literature study approach as a data collection technique. After the data is collected, the analysis process is carried out by sorting out relevant information, then presenting the data systematically to draw conclusions. The results show that democracy has a major role in providing legitimacy to the government, by creating a system where people can participate in decision-making. On the other hand, human rights become the main foundation of democracy, ensuring the protection of people's basic rights, which in turn creates conditions conducive to social growth and development. Some of the theories underlying the relationship between democracy, human rights and national security include social contract theory, liberal democracy theory and social justice theory. Empirically, several studies have shown a positive relationship between the implementation of democracy and human rights and national resilience. This research concludes that democracy and human rights contribute to national resilience by strengthening government legitimacy and creating an enabling environment for social and political stability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents an empirical analysis of the social contract (SC) in MENA based on a simple model synthesizing three main characteristics of a SC linking governments and citizens: Participation, Protection, and Provision. Using this 3‐P framework, we focus on the role of provision and protection in determining citizen participation, a question that drew much attention following the recent economic and social developments in MENA. We compare our characterization of the SC in MENA and Organisation for Economic Co‐operation and Development (OECD) countries and find robust empirical evidence that, in MENA, the benefits provided to citizens through improved delivery of basic services have come at the cost of impaired participation. We also find that digital transformation, a potential channel through which the SC may improve, has an inversely U‐shaped effect suggesting that institutional changes are called for in MENA countries before their SC is comparable to that of OECD countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Beccaria's penal philosophy hinges on the doctrinal paradigm of liberty through law. Inconceivable in the absence of laws and unattainable in the presence of arbitrary powers, liberty is profiled as the legal situation of the person who may act, within the sphere of what is not forbidden and not bound, without suffering illicit interference from private individuals or organs of the state. Thus, the form of law becomes an essential matter in the construction of the political space suitable for free living. In the analysis proposed in this article, the notion of "political liberty"–which Beccaria takes from Montesquieu–is declined in relation to the legal order, criminal law and the social contract. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines priority groups of the population (socially vulnerable, women entrepreneurs, young and social entrepreneurs) engaged in entrepreneurial activities, including through the conclusion of a social contract, as a factor of the sustainability of regional economies. The article is aimed at analysing the regional structure of these population groups and their support in individual subjects. The methodology of the study is based on the use of general scientific methods (analysis, synthesis, comparison). The main results of the work have showed that supporting participation of the above-mentioned groups socially integrates them, stimulating economic growth, regional and national development. In addition, it increases the level of economic competitiveness, expands entrepreneurial opportunities, and creates a favourable climate for the successful functioning of market entities. The scope of application of the results obtained during the study is based on the possibility of using them while developing mechanisms for increasing the involvement of the considered priority population groups in order to achieve a given level of sustainability of regional economies, which also determines the prospects for further research on this problem. The dependence of the level of sustainable development of regional economies and their competitiveness on the level of involvement of these groups in entrepreneurship has been established.

This article examines the critique of social contract theory in Thomas Hobbes' Leviathan through the lens of Georges Bataille's notion of sacrifice. Bataille and Hobbes share several key motifs, including death, violence and sovereignty. However, they interpret these motifs in different ways. Hobbes rationalises these concepts by introducing the concept of the social contract, whereby individuals relinquish their freedom in exchange for security. For him, the state is a means of protecting people’s lives through rational submission to the social contract. In contrast, Bataille emphasises the role of the irrational and the sacred, viewing them as a means of liberation from the fear of death, the material world and domination. Sacrifice plays a pivotal role in Bataille's philosophy, serving as a conduit to the sacred and a unifying force within communities through shared experiences of loss and sacrifice. Nevertheless, he acknowledges that over time, the significance of sacrifice has increased in terms of utilitarian value, while its intrinsic value as an act of gratuitous giving for the sake of affirming the "fertility of life" has diminished. Hobbes's social contract can be presented in basic terms as the sacrifice of a good for the sake of exchanging it for another good. This is exemplified by the exchange of the right to liberty for protection from the sovereign. For both Hobbes and Bataille, the fear of death is the rationale behind the relinquishment of freedom and the introduction of prohibitions. But Bataille, unlike Hobbes, proposes to build society not on the fear of death, but on overcoming this fear and sovereign rejection - the rejection of both one's freedom and the transfer of it to someone else. Thus, reading Leviathan through Bataille's logic helps to debunk the image of the sovereign as a mortal god and omnipotent protector.

The Relevance. The initial manifestations of trust were recorded in the political philosophy of Ancient Greece and Ancient China, on the basis of which thinkers determined the interconnection and interdependence of relations between government and society. Further developing in line with political sociology, trust as the principle of “fides” (“faith”) from the Roman law was conceptualized by M. Weber as an “emotional product” of a social contract, violation of the terms of which does not carry sanctions, with the exception of the loss of business reputation. The category of trust was significantly enriched during the development of sociology of the 20th – early 21st centuries, and thanks to the works of P. Sztompka and F. Fukuyama, it gained understanding of the conditions for sustainable development of society in conditions of uncertainty, in which the individual proceeds from the “credit” of confidence in the respectable behavior of another and absolute confidence in one's own actions. In recent years, a “crisis of confidence” in science as a social institution in modern society has been recorded.The problem of the research is to identify the peculiarities of understanding the category of “trust” by the classics of sociological science and their applicability in modern science.The goal of the research is to study the relationship between the dynamics of trust in Sociology in the scientific community and in science as a social institution as a whole.The methodological basis of the reseearch is a systematic approach and general methods of scientific knowledge, such as analysis, synthesis, generalization.The Research results. The classics of sociological science have enriched the motivational, value and political meanings of the concept of «trust» in modern science.

Since most Latin American countries achieved their independence in the 19th century, they have encountered a double challenge: Internally, to consolidate strong states that provide security and a sense of identity to their citizens and, internationally, to insert themselves effectively into the political and economic system. Within this process, the economic models and adjustment plans established in the region since the end of World War II have had an impact on the middle class, either increasing or decreasing its size. This is how the possibility of entering the middle class – although segmented into traditional and new – continues to be an idealized scenario where citizens can achieve decent living standards and even access certain luxuries. Unfortunately, the COVID-19 pandemic increased the feeling of uncertainty and instability in the region, which resulted in negative macroeconomic indicators in terms of GDP or an increase in external debt. This situation had a substantial impact on the middle class, which was affected by the loss of jobs and income that would allow them to maintain or improve their living conditions. The possibilities of improving these conditions are aligned with the redirection of the social contract in force in the majority of Latin American societies, in which both communities and states must strive for agreements that reduce uncertainty and mutual distrust. This path opens the way to the application of actions that benefit not only the middle class but also the less favored classes.

The article is a review of the film "You Hurt My Feelings" from a psychoanalytic perspective. It explores the difference between caring and over-protecting and how these dynamics are reflected in the film's portrayal of a family. The review discusses themes of containment, truth, vulnerability, and the conflict between desires to trust and accept imperfections. It also examines the concept of "little white lies" and how we relate to flawed loved ones. The article draws parallels between the film and the therapeutic process, discussing the challenges of interpretation and determining when to confront patients. It emphasizes the importance of creating a supportive and balanced container in relationships. [Extracted from the article]

Our generation lives in an age of polycrisis. Polycrisis is a phenomenon where various single crises interact in ways that lead to an overall negative impact that is more significant than the sum of each issue. The age of polycrisis poses a considerable threat to humanity. Since the age of polycrisis results from human actions, humans are responsible for addressing it. As such, an ultimate roadmap and in-depth sustainability transformations are needed across all sectors. This raises a quest for a unified social contract that can engage everybody to promote the well-being of people and the planet locally, regionally, and globally. Our paper explores a holistic picture of a social transformation process to address the challenges of the age of polycrisis. We put together a new social contract, different actors (civic society, private sector, public sector, decision-makers), and specific focus areas of actors to implement the goals of Agenda 2030. Each societal sector has a unique role to play in this transformation. The private sector can drive innovation and investment, the public sector can provide governance and regulation, civic society can advocate for change and hold other sectors accountable, and decision-makers can provide leadership and coordination. A new social contract called "Society's Commitment to Sustainable Development" can foster societal transformation towards sustainability with the involvement of these different societal sectors. The widespread commitment of public and private sectors as well as civil society can be an effective driver when implementing Agenda 2030 goals to build a more sustainable future. We, the current generation, have power to make a difference regarding international collaboration, national decision-making, industries, households -- even down to the choices we make in our everyday lives. The future is shaped by the decisions we make today.. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the concept of national sovereignty – the right of a nation to self-determination and autonomy. Drawing on the theories of popular sovereignty and social contract, the authors trace how the idea emerged that nations united by identity could claim legitimate political authority over themselves. A key milestone was the Peace of Westphalia in 1648, which codified the territorial sovereignty of nation-states. The authors analyse how eighteenth- and nineteenth-century nationalism transformed national sovereignty into a powerful force fuelling revolutions and movements against foreign domination. It explores how national sovereignty was exercised through the historical examples of France, Germany and the formation of a sovereign Kazakhstan after the collapse of the Soviet Union. While national sovereignty is based on self-determination, its exercise has led to both the assertion of independence and ethnic conflict and confrontation over national identity. The article concludes with an assessment of how theories of national sovereignty continue to emphasize autonomy and self-governance, but must be balanced with contemporary international norms and a system of global interdependence. National sovereignty remains one of the basic tenets underlying the nation-state system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The social contract tradition's promise of facilitating just interaction among large groups of strangers remains as salient as ever. Kant in particular recognised that economic activity imposes costs on large and unspecifiable groups of people who cannot be asked in advance for their consent; he concluded that in order to engage in economic activity while dealing ethically with everyone, we require the state and the rule of law to set out the norms under which we can engage in other-affecting activity like commerce. In response to the challenge of coordinating the welter of anonymous interactions that modern economic life consists in, contract theory offers the social conventions of money and law. However imperfectly these conventions operate in practice, people rely on them to orient themselves in the world. Carbon taxes have been touted by economists for decades as the most efficient way to send appropriate signals to people about their emissions behavior. The widely underappreciated fact that most fuel for international air travel remains untaxed--and is thus effectively subsidized relative to the rest of the economy--provides an especially vivid illustration of the necessity for appropriate social conventions to provide the conditions under which economic activity can be undertaken with less injustice. In this paper, I explain why people seeking to flourish together fairly in the imperfect world we share today ought to support a universal carbon tax with no exception for international aviation. The argument proceeds in four steps. First, I provide a free-standing analysis of emissions behavior at the individual moral level. Second, I offer a picture of ideal and non-ideal coordination based mostly on Kantian social contract theory. Third, I argue that in a non-ideal context, moral signals about right relation offer a coordinating fulcrum around which meaningful if only partly coordinated action is possible. Fourth, I apply these conclusions to the case of aviation exceptionalism, focusing especially on instances of incomplete, overlapping, partly coordinated climate actions. I conclude that these arguments together amount to a case for reversing the Chicago Convention and applying a universal carbon tax that does not exclude international flights, ending aviation exceptionalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of GENDER: Zeitschrift für Geschlecht, Kultur und Gesellschaft is the property of Verlag Barbara Budrich GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Pay‐for‐success contracts are social and financial innovations in social policy and capital markets, respectively. This paper argues that they exhibit option‐like payoffs and implements standard option‐pricing arguments in assessing the value of investing in pay‐for‐success contracts. Sensitivities vis‐à‐vis contract specifications are reflected in the valuation formula and help reach investment and social policy decisions. These sensitivities are demonstrated via a numerical application that uses parameters drawn from the Massachusetts Juvenile Justice Pay for Success Initiative, the largest pay‐for‐success initiative in the United States at the time of its launch. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Taxation and representation are famously linked in the coercive co-authored project of political governance described through the social contract metaphor. Globalisation transforms this canonical account of the state. Many people can relocate and operate beyond state borders, consuming goods and services publicly offered by other jurisdictions. Expanding people's opportunities to satisfy their preferences and pursue their goals supports their liberty. Yet, it also limits the ability of states to collect taxes so as to provide necessary public goods and secure justice, jeopardising the bond between taxation and equal membership in a political community. The challenge for taxation under globalisation is to revitalise the very basis of the social contract. Ideally, the new social contract should support the states' just institutions and the collective self-determination of their members without rolling back the opportunities people have acquired through globalisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Digital transformation has become a buzzword in government manifestos to become the first, the best and the leading nation in embracing digital technology. This is imposed on all areas of society – health, education, agriculture and the economy, often under yet another overused agenda (or guise) of sustainability. While governments strive towards this chaotic development, their societies are left in much disarray, subjected to further polarization, widened disparities and heightened discrimination. This article provides an overview of current state-led digital mechanisms in the region, namely Pangkalan Data Utama (PADU; Malaysia), LAPOR! (Indonesia), Bottom-Up Budgeting (BuB) and Full Disclosure Policy (Philippines), and Tang Rat (Thailand) prior to discussing two other digital public participation models – vTaiwan and Decidem. A comparative analysis of their processes, challenges and opportunities is discussed alongside Migdal's state-in-society framework to posit the notion of sociocratic networks for participatory governance. The principles of rhizomorphic publics provide the conceptual framework for a new digital social contract in this region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Direito e Práxis is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Social Sciences Research / Sosyal Bilimler Arastirmalari Dergisi is the property of ODU Journal of Social Sciences Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article relies on two major business ethics books to propose a decalogue of corporate behavior. Notably, both Donaldson and Dunfee's Ties That Bind (1999) and Kerr et al.'s CSR: A Legal Analysis (2009) tried to avoid the sinuous and inconclusive normative quest for hypernorms of business social responsibility: the former proposed an integrated social contract between business and community, while the latter adopted a positivist approach, looking at existing law of all sorts, national and international, to decant eight principles of CSR. Using a methodological tool from the first book, namely, the macrosocial contract between business and communities, this article updates the list proposed in the second book. As societal expectations evolve in time, emerging principles are included in the amended list, such as meeting tax obligations, refraining from taking advantage of disaster‐struck communities, and prioritizing the human in the age of artificial intelligence. The mixed approach (ethical, contractarian, and positivist) allows introducing the 10 principles as "commandments": initial reasonable content of a macrosocial for business, informed by undisputed ethical principles (hypernorms) and potentially implemented through positive law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The Great Reset is a concept proposed by the World Economic Forum to rebuild the global economy sustainably following the COVID-19 pandemic, emphasising stakeholder capitalism, greener practices, and more equitable social contracts. However, most of the literature focuses on the role of business and government actors in the Great Reset. At the same time, research that considers the role of higher education institutions (HEIs) is lacking. However, HEIs have the significant capacity to support various aspects of the Great Reset. In this work, we examine different mechanisms by which HEIs could bring change, such as fostering the growth of workforce skills, promoting entrepreneurship and innovation, participating in community development and others. A survey on a sample of university professors, postdoctoral researchers, and research assistants has been conducted with the goal of evaluating the degree to which HEIs have played a role in influencing economic recovery after COVID-19, leveraging the industry 4.0, enhancing regional development, revitalising global cooperation, formulating sustainable business models, restoring environmental well-being, and restructuring social contracts, skills, and employment opportunities. A two-step cluster analysis has been conducted, indicating that HEIs played different roles in the Great Reset process, being the Leaders, Followers and Laggers. We found a significant difference between the various groups of respondents according to their scientific field, position, and region regarding the perception of the role played by their HEIs in influencing economic recovery after COVID-19. The position of the respondents contributed to their perception of the role that their HEIs participated in the process of the Great Reset, with the assistant professors perceiving the most often that their HEIs are Leaders. Additionally, the scientific field and region of the HEI also impacted their role in the Great Reset, with the HEIs from technology and countries outside of Europe being the Leaders most often. On the other hand, Followers and Laggers were equally from social sciences and other fields and European countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the first part of the study, it was conceptualized the freedom of will, with reference to several doctrinal definitions regarding contractual freedom, but which are all located in the essence of the same coordinates. The legal will included in the concept of contract compliance with public order and good morals is not autonomous in relation to the law, which draws its limits, so that the obligational relations of the parties concerning the realization of their concordant interests are included in the requirement of an order and a balance at social level. The binding force of the contract, as the law of the parties, is transposed by its irrevocability towards the parties, as well as towards the judge, even if indirectly, in the interpretive process of the clauses of the contract, he can proceed to reorganize the contract. The freedom of the parties in establishing the content of the contract finds its limit in their bond of solidarity, in the freely expressed will, put into discussion in the process of interpreting the contract and of clarifying its binding force in relation to the internal will, as a dimension of the legal will. The free manifestation of the will is placed in association with the principle of relativity of the effects of the contract, the scope of operation of which is restricted to the contracting parties. The broader approach to the freedom of will cannot be conceived outside of social determinism, identified by the legal order, the national and community public order and the good morals. The provisions of the Civil Code are added to the legal provisions incorporated in the public order and to those of direction that tend to conduct and channel the contract, both being constituted into an economic policy instrument. The economic order of protection as a limitation of contractual freedom tends to defend the economically weaker contracting party and to restore the contractual balance (prevailing in the scope of consumer law). As a side of public order, the study analyzes the freedom of will in relation to the role of the contract, of the private norms, which include in their content the obligational and real relations, generated, modified and transferred thereby. The binding character of the contract is analyzed in the extended dimension, that which exceeds the scope of the contractual obligational nature. The private norm originating from the procedure specific to the legal act has a binding character, just like the objective norm, even if it is superseded by it. Conceived to address only the parties to the legal act, the private norm can be qualified as absolute by its bindingness, corresponding to the principle pacta sunt servanda, and relative in its specific obligativity towards third parties, in the form of opposability. Having its origin in the will guided by the interests of the parties, the private norm is legally validated by the legal order. The private norm that harmonizes individual interests with the legal order imposes its effectiveness through its binding and enforceable character towards those who generated it. The opposability of the private norm to third parties is justified by its assimilation to the objective legal order. The legal effects, recognized by the private norm in full accordance with the objective norm, confers legitimacy to the private interest expressed by the private norm without causing erga omnes effects. The norm of relativity of the contract effects and the principle of opposability make the distinction between the binding force of the legal act and its recognition as a social reality. At the end of the study it was analyzed the method of achieving the freedom of will in the contract with elements of extraneity, materialised in the method of identification and operation of the law chosen by the parties, lex voluntatis, as well as the conditions and limits of operation of this freedom. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The theoretical literature on the meaning of qualification standards depicts a variety of definitions. Some definitions describe properties of examinees, whilst others rely on cohort-level or system-level characteristics. Different definitions can be compatible or contradictory. In this study, stakeholders' views of the meaning of qualification standards in Scotland were collected, using focus groups (82 participants) and a questionnaire (918 participants). Almost 60% of questionnaire participants responded that standards tell us about performances on the assessment (criterion-referencing) and approximately 40% responded that they tell you about an underlying ability (construct-referencing). Few participants considered that maintaining statistical grade distributions every year were important. Discrepancies in views raise questions regarding how an examination board manages the political and technical process of maintaining public confidence in standards. Based upon this Scottish case, the authors argue that social settlements regarding qualification standards are a social contract, and a solely technocratic view of standards is conceptually inadequate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We argue that a deficient provision of public goods may influence citizen satisfaction with the status quo, thereby encouraging demands for institutional changes. We formalize and test this relationship using prior data related to the recent constitutional process carried out in Chile to replace its dictatorship‐era constitution. Individual‐level data from the Chile 2016/17 AmericasBarometer survey are used to estimate ordered and multinomial probit models to study the determinants of citizen preferences for constitutional change, distinguishing between amendment and replacement. The main findings reveal that preferences for reforming the Chilean constitution can be driven by greater discontent with public goods provision. These results remain robust when estimating pseudo‐panel models using cohort‐level data and examining coefficient stability. Moreover, higher levels of corruption are associated with a stronger demand for constitutional replacement, suggesting a potential rupture in the shared social contract due to poor governance and lower political equality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author reflects on Michel Serres's unconventional approach to society, which diverges from traditional social sciences terminology and boundaries. Topics include Serres's critique of social contract theory, his concept of unbounded sociality, and his exploration of how global phenomena challenge traditional social frameworks.

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Sustainability communications have become a key issue for organisations. While most studies have focused on sustainability reporting and green advertising, other communication tools such as sponsorship are under‐researched. The present study addresses this void by exploring the potential and identifying key characteristics and challenges of sustainable sponsorships, theoretically conceptualised as a social contract between sponsorship contractors and society. As such, it is the first to identify the potential and key characteristics of sponsorship for sustainability communications. The authors took an explorative, qualitative research approach, conducting 13 in‐depth interviews. The interviewees highlighted eight characteristics that determined sustainable sponsorships across all three sustainability dimensions. Sustainability was identified as a key driver in managing sponsorship effectively. In light of the study's findings, it is recommended that sponsors and sponsees should adapt their sponsorship management to incorporate sustainability. Measuring the outcome and success of sustainable sponsorships could be a subject for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper applies the Loewe, et al. framework (2024) to the Egyptian case from 2011 to the present. It finds that this framework could be strengthened by further exploring the following drivers of change in social contracts:- balance of power within the state. In the Egyptian case, a longstanding informal contract between the Presidency and the military collapsed in 2011. The new contract between the Presidency and the military that emerged after 2013 altered the elite coalition that underlay the regime and led to change in the social contract;- structure of the labor market. The Sisi regime faced a labor market that was divided into core insiders, legacy insiders, and outsiders. It revised the social contract to direct substantial support to core insiders while reducing support to legacy insiders. Outsiders were left with even less state support.- new technologies of repression enabled the regime to monitor society more extensively, target repression more effectively, and shape the public sphere in a manner supportive of the new social contract;- international sponsors. The Gulf states and China provided financial and military assistance that buttressed the revised social contract. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]