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This study aims to determine the differentiated learning materials' impact on students' understanding of nationalism and global diversity. This research was a quasi-experimental study conducted by following a post-test-only control group design. Two classes from different schools were selected as research samples using a statistical matching technique. The researchers collected the data using tests and analyzed them using descriptive statistics and an independent ttest to achieve the study's objective. The results of the descriptive statistics showed that the experimental group had a higher score than the control group. It can be seen from the mean, minimum and maximum scores of the two groups. This result demonstrates that students who used varied learning resources had a greater comprehension of nationalism and global diversity. Furthermore, the independent t-test result confirmed that the differences in understanding were significant. In terms of the effect size, it confirms that differentiated instruction greatly affects students' understanding of nationalism and global diversity. Thus, this study concluded that differentiated learning materials affect students' understanding of nationalism and global diversity significantly. Thus, the researchers promote differentiated learning materials for teaching nationalism and global diversity based on the study results. Moreover, differentiated instruction may also be used for teaching different learning materials.

Cosmopolitanism and nationalism are often presented in binary terms, as standing in opposition to each other, especially with regards to education. In this paper, we establish a framework for studying education policy today through the lens of a concept we have developed: 'cosmopolitan nationalism'. Many education systems around the world are grappling with and simultaneously integrating both cosmopolitan and nationalist elements in policy objectives, curricular content and pedagogic approaches. Through an in-depth analysis of three country examples -- China, the US and Israel -- we outline four different manifestations of education policy that can be explained by employing the analytical lens of cosmopolitan nationalism: (i) the increasing prominence and visibility of the International Baccalaureate within these three public education systems; (ii) reforms of specific curricula elements and pedagogies legitimised with reference to approaches assessed as globally leading through international assessments; (iii) efforts to promote national education systems as international beacons of best practice; (iv) creation of alternative education provisions that are promoted globally for very specific purposes and populations. We argue that, given our heterogeneous sample of case study countries, and careful analysis of these, a cosmopolitan nationalism lens offers important insights into education policy-making today which has the potential to be applied in other contexts.

This article demonstrates how the use of affect in literature education invokes trajectories of nationalism and/or solidarity using the case of postcolonial Cyprus as example. For this, we analyse secondary school literature curricula and textbooks in both Greek-Cypriot and Turkish-Cypriot educational systems. We do so by making use of affect theory -- mainly 'affective nationalism' and 'affective solidarity' -- met with Henri Lefebvre's 'rhythms' and 'truth of space,' and Raymond Williams' dominant, emergence, residual positions. Our focus questions are: What social, cultural, political meanings about the ethnic self and 'Other' are produced by literature curricula and textbooks? How can affect be used to regulate students and meanings in literature education, and what kind of 'alternative' affective meanings emerge? Our analysis shows that literature can be used in educational settings to evoke simultaneously conflicting affective ideologies and feelings. Theoretical and policy implications are discussed for literature education in postcolonial settings.

By placing a strong emphasis on one's national, cultural, and ethnic identity, neonationalism, as a contemporary political and cultural movement, prioritizes 'sameness' over diversity. This phenomenological case study focused on Turkish universities which have been under increasingly oppressive neo-nationalist policies within the past 10 years. It examined the lived experiences of a multilingual scholar in regard to his identity (re)construction and socialization upon his return from the US to Türkiye (Turkey). Descriptions of Anil's lived experiences were longitudinally collected via in-depth interviews, anecdotal records, and bi-weekly journal entries. The findings indicated that one's country of origin or nation-state becomes a source of discrimination not only in study abroad contexts, but also when international students and scholars return to their home countries. In other words, neo-nationalism in higher education institutions (HEIs) not only influences 'the Other' but also those within the same 'nation' with more progressive pedagogical beliefs and practices. The findings also underline the need to consider the phenomenon of "transnational intersectionality" when accounting for multilingual scholars' identity (re)construction and socialization. Such an approach would help situate the complexities of transnationalism within the larger discussions of how HEIs are shaped by current neo-nationalist policies. This study also calls for further research to pay attention to colonial legacies such as linguicide and epistemicide within HEIs so as to encourage multilingual scholars to resist and dismantle oppressive policies and practices that govern academia both at local and global contexts.

Nationalism studies tend to focus on a relatively closed and abstract nation. This paper addresses these features by analysing the case of Girmitiya nationalism, a nationalism in the Indian diaspora that broadens the exclusive focus on the nation. It introduces the concept of lived culture that makes the nationalism of an ethnic diaspora community concrete and specifies the interaction between global forces and local life. Using data obtained as a member of the studied ethnic community and deploying additional concepts such as ethnogenesis, Creole hegemonic nationalism, ethnification, diaspora bonding and Girmitiya ideology, the paper demonstrates the usefulness of the concept of lived culture. The concept of lived culture thus discloses the specificities of Girmitiya nationalism, while countervailing the tendency to restrict the focus on the nation and offering a route to broaden the focus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that children's media can be a powerful source for embedding nationalist assumptions from an early age, by looking at Avatar: The Last Airbender and its sequel The Legend of Korra. In the shows, the world is divided into four discrete nations. Drawing on Billig's concept of banal nationalism, I intend to explore how, despite being critical of nationalism, they nevertheless reinforce and communicate core tenets of national ideology: that nations are the natural way of organising the world. This then leads to wider conclusions about how children's media can communicate and embed these ideas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Customs duties were the first sustainable source of revenue for New South Wales, the colonies that hived off from it, and the other colonial settlements in Australia. From Sydney's original three-roomed customs house, with its wooden walls and bark roof, to the magnificent neo-renaissance palazzo of Melbourne, the neoclassical splendour of the Brisbane Customs House, to a Queen Anne confection in Albany, custom houses became symbols of the Australian colonies' growing economic power. Yet, unlike Anglophone Canada and New Zealand, which also engaged in practices of marginalising First Nations peoples and asserting exclusionary Britannic identities, the Australian colonies were parochial. They competed with one another for revenue and protected their own infant industries. Tariffs played an important role in establishing and maintaining this fractured nationalism; they were also instrumental in healing it. Federation was only made possible by the horse-trading over customs duties that is enshrined in the Australian Constitution. Professor John Taylor's tax history practice included extracting uniquely Australian stories from the grand narrative of international taxation. This article seeks to pay tribute to that approach and investigates custom houses at the time of fractured nationalism as a story which, on the one hand is part of the greater British-heritage narrative of indirect taxation and related architecture, but, on the other hand, is specifically Australian. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Leadership in Islamic thought is based on the macro-theory of "nation" and it has defined the horizon of governance in the Islamic societies. Therefore, the issue of nation and nationalism has been specifically considered in the conduct of the Messenger of God (PBUH) and Imams (PBUT). The present research is to answer the question on what are the requirements for the realization of nationalism from the perspective of Imam Hassan Askari (A.S.).Taking advantage of the descriptive-analytical method, the article investigates the requirements for the realization of nationalism as a central and constant thought in the interaction with various currents from the perspective of that Holiness. The findings of the research clarify that the essential components for realizing the process of nationalism in the conduct of that holiness include "peaceful coexistence along with affection and tolerance", "no obvious divergence with the caliphs", "developing solidarity and internal discourse among Muslims based on common Islamic principles", "Prohibition of heretics", "Negation of violence" and "acquittance of the extremists" led by the Divine Imamate. Imam’s emphasis as a religious leader on the issue of nationalism, theoretically and practically, can be considered as a strategic paradigm in developing a united nation in the current situation of the Islamic world.

In the wake of several high-profile cases of police use of excessive force, renewed critiques of policing have emerged from the Defund the Police movement. Yet, the movement has faced fierce opposition from Americans who subscribe to a color-blind logic that racial inequality in policing and society as a whole reflect differences in merit. In assessing Americans' use of color-blind racism, support for public spending on social services, and support for punitive social control, scholars have recently emphasized the role of Christian nationalist ideology. Building on this recent work, we use data from the 2021 General Social Survey (GSS), a nationally representative survey of Americans, to test the relationship between adherence to Christian nationalist ideology and opposition to reducing funding for police departments and moving those funds to mental health, housing, and other social services. We find that respondents who score higher on an index of Christian nationalism hold greater odds of opposing shifting funding from police departments, independent of other measures of political and religious orientations. We also consider interactions between Christian nationalist ideology, race, and color-blind racial ideology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2016, I wrote Preaching in the Era of Trump, in which I proposed a conversational, prophetic approach to challenging Donald Trump's attacks on immigrants, people of color, LGBTQ+ persons, women, and Muslims. This essay revisits the question of whether such a conversational approach can be effective in response to Christian nationalist support of Trumpism and an effective mode for social change. The essay proposes that preachers take a strong stand in the pulpit against injustice while doing so in a manner that invites instead of shuts down dialogue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While Ernst B. Haas is recognized among European integration scholars as a founding figure of neo-functionalism, his later writing on nationalism is less known to European integration scholars. I contribute to this special issue by discussing Haas' later work on liberal nationalism and by reflecting on its insights for the study of collective identities in the European Union today. In a nutshell, Haas expected that (1) national and supranational identities are inherently rational and the expression of a deliberate choice, (2) citizens shift their identities from the national to the European level due to utilitarian considerations, (3) nationalism is not per se destructive, but it comes in many moulds and can be the basis for the international community. I argue that Haas' emphasis on rational and deliberate identity choice clashes with our current understanding of identity as implicit and subliminal. Moreover, his optimism is challenged by the rise of radical-right-wing parties who have successfully mobilized exclusive nationalist identities against European integration. On the other hand, Haas' emphasis on the double-edged nature of collective identity is an important reminder that also European identity, while striving to overcome exclusive nationalism, can reify its exclusiveness at the supranational level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 19 December 2022, the United States House Select Committee referred former president Donald Trump to the Department of Justice for criminal prosecution. Subsequently, Mr. Trump was indicted four times and charged with 91 felonies. Nevertheless, some Americans have remained steadfast in supporting him. Observers theorize that indifference to Mr. Trump's wrongdoing reflects white nationalism and politically motivated reasoning. We test this theory using experimental data from a national survey fielded before any public hearings or charges. Our analyses reveal that Americans who endorse white nationalism and those who hold right-wing political views are more likely to oppose criminal charges. Furthermore, the relationship between white nationalism and attitudes about criminally charging Mr. Trump is indirect, through identification with the political right. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study delves into the complex ways in which narratives about food function as mediums for conveying nationalist and racist ideologies, highlighting a broad view that encompasses discriminatory ideologies like xenophobia, nativism, suprematism, and protectionism. Given the pivotal role of food in cultural identity and symbolism – a role particularly pronounced in the rich food heritage of Italian culture – this research offers profound insights into the subtle manifestations of nationalism and racism within the context of Italian food culture. Employing semi-structured interviews with thirty individuals from diverse backgrounds in the Italian food sector, including production, preparation, and distribution, the study unveils that expressions of nationalism and racism often stem from a deep-seated impulse to defend and protect Italian cultural heritage. However, the investigation also uncovers the inherent ambiguities and contradictions in these attitudes, illustrating how nationalist and racist sentiments are frequently set aside in efforts to promote and globalize Italian culinary traditions. This paradox underscores the complex and often contradictory nature of cultural nationalism and racism, challenging the consistency of such ideological stances in the face of globalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Dominant narratives of the Australian New Wave tend to frame the efflorescence of national filmmaking in the 1970s through the lens of Gough Whitlam's brand of cultural nationalism. The narrative usually runs as follows: state-funded films tended to favour a conservative, genteel and respectable aesthetic that came to be known as the "Australian Film Commission genre". This article uses Mark Fisher's concept of "popular modernism" to challenge this dominant account of the Australian New Wave first put forth by Susan Dermody and Elizabeth Jacka, outlining the ways in which social democracy and state funding provided the conditions that allowed filmmakers to produce radical films that were anti-nationalist in character. As we will argue, when national film production deviated from this configuration and became circumscribed by neoliberal restructuring and economic rationalism in the 1980s, the New Wave took on an increasingly nationalist impulse. The article will trace this trajectory through a narrative analysis of two films from lauded Australian director Peter Weir: The Cars That Ate Paris (1974) and Gallipoli (1981). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on China's policy response to US House Speaker Nancy Pelosi's visit to Taiwan in August 2022. Pelosi's action triggered a surge of popular nationalist sentiments in China, but the response of the Chinese government was far less tough than what many popular nationalists had expected. The article argues that the Chinese government's policy choice in response to Pelosi's visit to Taiwan did not depend on the demands of popular nationalists, but rather was based on a cost-benefit analysis according to its perceptions. The influence of popular nationalism on the government's foreign policy choices has been exaggerated owing to an overestimation of the government's reliance on nationalism for its regime legitimacy, and an underestimation of the government's control over public opinion and nationalist activities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]