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Starting in 2021, the current inflation process has spurred plenty of discussion in academic and policy circles. This paper studies the relationship between firms' markups and inflation during the 2021–22 inflation surge in several industrialized countries. It begins by explaining markup inflation and its critics in the context of the current debate over the sources of inflation. Then it reviews the characteristics of markup inflation within the post-Keynesian theory of markup pricing and complementing it with the Institutionalist approach to inflation that distinguishes between basic inflationary pressures and propagation mechanisms. The second part assesses markup inflation for several industrialized countries using descriptive statistics and conventional econometrics. The main contribution falls in empirically estimating markups considering the contribution of material cost and controlling for changes in capacity utilization over time. It concludes that there is some evidence pointing at markup inflation and, importantly, the existence of markup inflation leads to rejecting any wage-price spiral. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is a post-Keynesian stock flow consistent (PK-SFC) model that analyses the dynamics of an economy characterised by several — often individually studied — features of PK-SFC studies together with some innovative aspects. In particular, we investigate the income and wealth distribution between two social classes, capitalists and workers, after a period of a crisis subject to different policy scenarios. Non-financial firms but also government can undertake investments decisions and both accumulate capital. Finally, we consider the workers' and capitalists' consumption behaviour that contributes to produce (un)sustainable paths. Our model is built upon Bibi (2020, 2021) within an endogenous money framework and is calibrated using available data for major advanced economies. Simulations are conducted to question the different government fiscal policies to reduce unemployment boosting the economic activity, to obtain a more equitable distribution between social classes while obtaining those goals in a sustainable way. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers a monetary perspective on capital flows and the Eurozone's north-south divide. It argues that finance-centric narratives in comparative political economy rightly emphasize financial instability in the periphery, but that the role of capital flows therein requires clarification. The article draws on post-Keynesian monetary theory, coherent accounting, and balance-of-payments data to make three points. First, the focus on the financial account as a driver of current accounts should be abandoned in favor of an analysis of gross capital flows. Gross flows need not stem from excess savings in core countries and can be independent from trade flows. Second, explanations of financial instability in the periphery should go beyond bank flows and consider speculative portfolio flows into bond markets and foreign direct investment into real estate. Third, rising spreads in the periphery during the Eurozone crisis and the outbreak of the pandemic were not triggered by balance-of-payments problems but by a reversal of speculative bond flows. Comparative political economy should thus dedicate more attention to institutions that render peripheral countries susceptible to speculative flows into asset markets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Masstige, or luxury for the masses, is a phenomenon that requires a heterodox economic approach based on Original Institutional Economics view of corporate power combined with Marxian concept of brand fetishism and post-Keynesian theories of pricing and consumer choice. The attitude toward luxury in classical works on political economy is briefly outlined. By applying the post-Keynesian theory of oligopolistic pricing, we show how the power of luxury brands enables high profits of luxury conglomerates. We use the post-Keynesian theory of consumer choice to differentiate between various types of masstige buyers. JEL Classification: B52, D11, D21, D43 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Certain post-Keynesian (PK) authors consider Means as one of the founding figures of PK theory and a notable contributor to heterodox economic thought in general. Paradoxically, many surveys of PK economics do not mention his name at all. It is the purpose of the current study to scrutinize the possible reasons behind the contradictory evaluations of Means’ contributions among PK authors. Based on a critical analysis of his stance on Keynesian and political economics traditions as well as his labor analysis, I argue that Means’ ideas and PK theory remain in harmony on the surface but conflict at a more fundamental level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article shows that post-Keynesian economics is more closely tied to the proposal of equality of place rather than that of equality of opportunity. More precisely, it advocates for the approach of utilizing equality of place as a means to attain equality of opportunity. These are two conceptions of social policy. Equality of opportunity distinguishes between poor and non-poor, and state intervention is focused on poor people. This mode of intervention promotes individuals' improvements in human capital, assuming that the poor can reach the position they want through a competitive process. In contrast, the idea of equality of place is intertwined with the concept of decommodification and supply-side subsidies. It envisions a scenario in which markets might not ensure that people can access fundamental rights. Consequently, it suggests an alternate role for state intervention. Because some heterodox and post-Keynesian authors have identified with the principle of equality of opportunity, it is important to clarify the nature of the relationship between social policy and post-Keynesian economics. The principle of equality of place can provide a framework of social policy that is consistent with the tenets of the post-Keynesian tradition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to investigate whether the Polish economy operates under a wage-led or profit-led economic regime. By analysing how changes in income distribution affect consumption, investment, and net exports, insights are gained into the nature of the economic regime, facilitating evidence-based policy formulation and fostering sustainable economic development in the country. The long-term impact of an increase in the profit share on economic growth is found to be significantly negative, giving rise to the conclusion that the Polish economy was in a wage-led regime from 2001 to 2022. The estimated total marginal effect of an increased profit share on output, including multiplier mechanisms, is –0.22.

In this article, we present an economy-wide assessment of the economic impacts of climate change in Viet Nam under a net zero scenario. Viet Nam is one of the most vulnerable countries to climate change in the Asia - Pacific region. The changes in political and socio-economic conditions since the Đổi Mới reforms have been accompanied by the progressive building of new environmental policies. A specific form of Vietnamese environmental State has emerged, climaxing in the Net Zero announcement of Viet Nam at COP26 and its participation in the Just Transition Energy Partnership coalition. At the same time, the ongoing climate crisis makes it crucial to assess the climate change impacts for policy planning at the macroeconomic level. The loss due to climate change could prevent Viet Nam from achieving its development target of becoming an industrialized country by 2045, let alone reaching the Net Zero ambition. In addition, we consider how climate change and the political discourse on climate change are currently progressively institutionalized and becoming an integral component of Vietnamese social dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The neoliberal reforms since the 1980s have resulted in rapid globalization paralleled by worsening income distribution. In this paper, I first show that most countries worldwide (58 of 81) have experienced a decline in the labor share of income, or the wage share, during 1950-2019. Second, I estimate the demand and distributive regimes from 81-country panel data based on the neo-Goodwinian model. At the global level, the short-run estimation shows that the distributive regime appears to be Marxian/profit-squeeze and the demand regime exhibits profit-led. I further separate the estimation into two groups: advanced and developing countries. The estimation still confirms the profit-led/profit-squeeze regimes in both groups, even though the demand and distributive regimes are stronger in advanced economies. In the long run, the results reveal a global race to the bottom: a decline in the long-run wage share. Neither positive nor negative gain is founded on capacity utilization in advanced and developing countries.