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This article presents a theoretical view that describes how the rooted Western imperial political structure in the Arab region has trapped the latter in a perpetual development crisis. It follows a de facto analysis and contends that Western imperialism has maintained a counter-development of Arab governance since the mid-19th century, which has resulted in a persistent economic deficiency in the region. This article discusses why Washington Consensus endeavors have failed to deliver the promised results in the development of the region, and argues that it has condoned the principal problem, which is the foreign de facto hostile Western strategic rule that has an inherent disinterest in achieving comprehensive development in the Arab region. This article provides an argument against the views that blame the Arab's economic failures on domestic institutional factors, and maintains that the foreign Western hostile domination is the primary source of the lasting backwardness in the Arab region. This article defines the West as the consortium of European and North American nations that have had imperial enterprises in the Arab region in the modern period. The most notable of these nations are the United States, the United Kingdom, and France. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article considers the question of the value and limits of the concept of discrimination for the ethics of migration by drawing attention to the need for a conceptualization of discrimination that can encompass forms of group-based disadvantage that are enabled and reproduced by the three central norms of our contemporary regime of global migration governance: the state's right to unilateral control over its border regime, birthright citizenship and rights of (re)entry to one's own state, and the individual right to leave a state. I sketch an historical account of the forging and yoking together of these norms as bound up with the history of European imperialism and argue that they function to enable the reproduction of the advantage of states of the Global North. I illustrate this argument by reference to the example of the transnational migration of medical professionals from sub-Saharan Africa and argue that this may amount to structural discrimination against the human right to health of the populations of these states of emigration before considering two responses to this condition: 'no recruitment' and 'no disadvantage'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For many Indigenous1 peoples, well-being is bound up with and inseparable from the natural world. But since colonialism, Indigenous traditions and access to traditional foods or foodways2 have been disrupted, imperiling their health and well-being. In this Article, I discuss the role of Indigenous cosmovision/worldview and Indigenous Food Sovereignty in achieving environmental justice. Specifically, in this Article, I discuss that despite, or perhaps because of, efforts to deny Indigenous peoples' access to healthy and culturally appropriate foods, Indigenous Food Sovereignty took a rise of preciousness in informing natural regenerative food systems, and ultimately, "holistic/collective well-being." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At a time of intensifying global conflict and corresponding reconfiguration of supply chains in line with national security prerogatives, the contradictions inherent in the "rules-based order" supported by and supporting US global hegemony are becoming ever more apparent and unsustainable. Robert Vitalis's study of US–Saudi relations within the wider context of US energy policy reveals the extent to which myths intended to legitimize and enable imperialist policies have outgrown their original purpose and now threaten to destabilize the very conditions they were and remain intended to support. The inability of US political elites to recognize a reality that includes relative decline globally and socioeconomic fragility domestically, undermining efforts to sustain its outsized military presence worldwide and the appropriation of resources required to service that, are at increasing risk of triggering global catastrophe in the form of nuclear-armed warfare. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the evolution of the Liberal Party's views on the British empire and the Commonwealth from 1900 to 1979. The party's early manifestos criticized the government's handling of British interests abroad, but later shifted focus to domestic issues and social reform. The party acknowledged racial injustice within the empire and embraced European cooperation and anti-racism in the 1950s. The article concludes that the Liberal Party did not display excessive nostalgia for the empire. [Extracted from the article]

Immanuel Ness's book, "Migration as Economic Imperialism: How International Labour Mobility Undermines Economic Development in Poor Countries," offers a political economy perspective on the migration issue. The book argues that economic migration is a mechanism used by imperialism to exploit workers from the Global South, rather than a development opportunity for these countries. The author contends that economic remittances sent by migrants do not contribute to national development in the Global South, as they are primarily used for consumption rather than investment in domestic industries. The book provides empirical case studies to illustrate the uneven impact of migration on national development. However, the argument and implications of the book can be ambiguous at times, and the concept of imperialism would benefit from further elaboration. The book also uses the binary framework of the Global North and Global South, which may oversimplify the complex dynamics of imperialism. Overall, the book challenges the mainstream narrative of migration as development but could have benefited from more empirical exploration and a deeper engagement with conceptual debates on imperialism. [Extracted from the article]

At the end of the 1990s, there existed a belief that a growing Canadian military involvement in the Caribbean region was unlikely if it was not associated with Canada's interest in Latin America (Klepak 1996). This view had such a large impact that today there is a dearth of information on Canada's military involvement in the Caribbean region. Lacking systematic investigation, two myths have perpetuated: first that Canada has no stake or interest in Caribbean security, insofar as those interests cannot be tied to Canada's interests in Latin America; and second, that all expressions of Canada's involvement in Caribbean security are simply extensions of US security interests in the region. Looking at Canada as part of the Anglosphere, this paper analyzes Canada's ongoing commitment in the Caribbean to preserving and expanding the political, social, economic, and ecological system that benefits Anglospheric capitalist accumulation and security objectives. Today, Jamaica is the host site for the Canadian Armed Forces Operation Support Hub in Latin America and the Caribbean (OSH-LAC), as Canada aims to position its long-term security partner as a regional sub-policeman of the region. OSH-LACs proximity to states like Haiti, a frequent site of Canadian intervention, should worry those concerned with Canada's increased global militarism and imperialism in the world more broadly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As learning analytics and educational data mining have become the "new normal" in the field, scholars have observed the emergence of data colonialism. Generally, data colonialism can be understood as the process by which data were considered "free" to take and appropriate. Building on this theoretical understanding, this study aims to contextualize data colonialism in educational technology by identifying and reviewing learning analytics studies that adopted a predictive analytics approach. We examined 22 studies from major educational technology journals and noted how they (1) see data as a resource to appropriate, (2) establish new social relations, (3) show the concentration of wealth, and (4) promote ideologies. We found evidence of data colonialism in the field of educational technology. While these studies may promote "better" ideologies, it is concerning how they justify the authorities capitalizing on "free" data. After providing a contextualized view of data colonialism in educational technology, we propose several measures to decolonialize data practices, adopting a postcolonialist approach. We see data colonialism not only as a privacy issue but also as a culture that must be challenged. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]