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This paper investigates how some small-scale palm oil growers in northeast Colombia have managed to exercise partial autonomy from global markets while still participating in them. By comparing the varied experiences of these farmers, I find that, state-led land access and multiscale organizational support for small-scale farming have enabled these farmers to selectively engage with global markets and carve-out space for autonomous decision-making on their farms. By examining the risks and possibilities associated with farmers' engagement in global value chains, this study illuminates the potential for agricultural transitions and small-scale farming within the context of global agricultural markets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Stand-alone price analysis of illicit opium and coca does not explain why smallholders turn to illicit crops for coping and survival. Under conditions of precarity, illicit crop markets can stimulate productivity. They generate returns that can tame crises and relieve pressures. To smallholders facing marginalisation, violence, and climate change – growing opium and coca, despite their illegality, can reduce or spread risks and provide more predictability. Thus, rather than fix on the 'invisible hand' of price theory, the focus should be on the 'visible hand' of political entrepreneurship, interdependent relationships, and the metrics of precarity. To do this, this paper retrospectively compares illicit crop prices before and after certain historical moments in Bolivia, Myanmar, Colombia, and Afghanistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research has shown that the counterinsurgent proposition of 'winning Hearts and Minds' is more complex than building a road. This paper examines how project workers in three infrastructure projects in Colombia sought community support not for military intelligence or to improve government-community relations, but to intervene with armed groups on the project's behalf. The findings highlight the role of community institutions in negotiating between two actors – rather than being 'won over' by either. This paper also indicates the limitations of community agency in the face of changing local orders, questioning the local empowerment of goods delivery in conflict areas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we explore what campesino [peasant] livelihoods in the rural Andean mountains of Colombia offer to understandings of more-than-human co-existence and care. For, while new conservation paradigms promise to transform economic and social horizons, being "paramuno" [resident of the "paramo," or high moorlands] in the small community of Monquentiva is already characterized by becoming-with-other-beings-and-practices; a disposition toward incorporation of elements that are at-hand, and an ethics of care toward other beings in the landscape. We draw on ethnographic data to present this case study, emphasizing the forms of social organization and persistence that have enabled the emergence of economically and ecologically sustainable livelihoods. We explore these processes in terms of what we call world-making practices, showing how relationships with Indigeneity and collectivity are being renegotiated, and arguing for modes of conservation that engage with existing forms of peasant innovation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Young people in Colombia present high rates of mental health problems, to which the country’s history of armed internal conflict contributes in complex ways. Mental health services in Colombia are fragmented, inadequate, and difficult to access for many. Young people’s help)seeking is often hindered by mental health stigma and/or poor experiences with services. This paper presents a thematic analysis of qualitative data from a mixed-methods study aimed at developing and testing a mental health intervention for Colombian youths. We draw upon theoretical lenses from scholarly work on stigma and Sen’s ‘capabilities approach’ to inform our analysis of interviews and group discussions with staff and young people involved in the state-funded human capital building programme ‘Jovenes en Acción’ (JeA). By illustrating how study participants talked about stigma, vulnerability, mental health services organisation, and the challenges of discussing mental health topics in a learning environment, we illuminate aspects of mental health support and anti-stigma interventions that might need enhancing. In particular, we suggest that more emphasis on ‘community competencies’ as complementary to and interrelated with individual competencies would strengthen young people’s individual and collective resources for mental wellbeing while being in line with the sociocritical principles of existing human capital-enhancing programmes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We know that civil wars have negative and long-term consequences for public trust in state institutions. However, few studies have examined the post-peace challenges of rebuilding trust in state institutions. In this study, we utilise the case of Colombia to explore the impact of civil wars on the institutional trust of the police. We find that perspectives on abuse, punishment, and corruption are significant predictors of trust in the Colombian police. Further, we find that when we test all three phenomena together, perceptions of police abuse and experience with bribery are the key drivers of trust of police in Colombia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The illicit coca economy has become a bulwark for smallholder farming in Colombia. This article helps explain why. Analysis of the social relations surrounding coca production in one of the country's most important coca-producing municipalities shows that capitalist market imperatives are weak within this economy. Pressures to increase productivity are muted by fluid access to land, non-interest-bearing debts, and the lack of price competition between producers. Coca-growers are 'improving' production, but they mostly respond to opportunities rather than imperatives. In the context of multiple agrarian crises, the coca economy allows even less well-off producers to survive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is an effort to unveil how colonialism gets inscribed in research education initiatives during peace-building. To this end, we look behind the scenes of an education development project that sought to support a rural school in consolidating high-quality education during Colombia's recent peace process. We examine how, in our roles as principal investigator and research assistant, our enthusiasm inadvertently contributed to perpetuating the colonial rule of the state in an area traditionally controlled by revolutionary groups. To do so, we follow the project from its design and negotiation to the delivery of results. By depicting how enthusiasm may shape a researcher's reasoning, we aim to complicate our understanding of the research process and the enthusiasm that underpins peace efforts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article develops the concept of 'humanitarian activist citizenship' to analyse the political work of grassroots organisations representing groups and individuals displaced during Colombia's civil conflict. In Colombia, the armed conflict has led to the forced migration of around 8 million internally displaced persons (IDPs). In response, self-identified IDPs and other victims of violence have formed organisations and staged protests to claim collective rights. This article emerges out of a narrative analysis of interviews conducted with members of IDP grassroots organisations in Bogotá between 2017 and 2018. Building on insights from the 'acts of citizenship' literature, it argues that the political work of these organisations must be understood as a form of 'humanitarian activist citizenship', through which groups and individuals victimised by violence in Colombia mobilise humanitarian policies and discourses to redefine the relations that exist between them and the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What explains the divergent strategies of middle commanders after negotiated peace? After Colombia's peace process with the insurgent group Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, former FARC midlevel commanders deployed a variety of strategies, from leading reintegration projects to build peace, to rearming splinter groups to spoil peace. Most other studies approach leading and spoiling separately, thus failing to account for both outcomes. Responding to this limitation, this article proposes an integrated theory explaining middle commander strategies after armed conflict. It argues that former commanders seek to maximise personal security and influence, and they choose strategies that respond to variations in local security and community embeddedness. Former commanders in secure areas with community embeddedness will build peace, while former commanders in dangerous areas with community embeddedness will spoil peace. This argument is evaluated with a qualitative analysis using primary data collected during field work in Colombia, including 59 interviews with former FARC members. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The transition to a low-carbon and climate resilient economy is a process of heavy restructuring of the productive network, during which sunset industries are in decline or even disappear, while sunrise industries emerge and flourish. This process affects all aspects of the economy: the demand and the supply side, the public and the private sector, the financial structure and the informal economy. In this article, we propose a holistic framework that assesses the macroeconomic vulnerability that emerges from a low-carbon transition, especially in developing economies. We consider vulnerability as a multidimensional phenomenon and, thus, pay attention to all fiscal, social, monetary, financial and external dimensions of the economy. We, then apply this framework to the Colombian economy. We use indicative variables of vulnerability, in all its aspects, and a stock-flow consistent growth model in order to monitor their evolution across time. We consider two scenarios related to a reduction of real fossil fuel exports of Colombia and a global rise in interest rates. Results indicate that the more delayed is the global transition, the higher the vulnerability of the Colombian economy. Similarly, global monetary tightening becomes an obstacle in the transition process, as it induces vulnerability stemming from the financial and external side of the economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the escalating urgency of addressing climate change and the surge of a pro-environmental discourse during the last three to four decades, the international imperative of low-carbon societies voiced in the Paris Agreement and reiterated in the parties' conferences call for 'transitioning away from fossil fuels in energy systems' has gained traction. However, it remains unclear to what extent this imperative addresses the entrenched extractivist and rentier practices that underpin today's carbon-intensive economy. This article turns the case of green hydrogen, often hailed as the fuel of the future, to discern whether current actions are enabling a 'just transition' towards the same mode of natural resource exploitation, or one that seeks to overcome the extractivist and rentier dynamics. Taking a case study of Colombia, where debates surrounding hydrogen development swirl around what could be seen as a continuity of extractivism and a more reindustrialization-oriented trajectory, this study examines some of the possible conditions that just transitions would have to comply with if they are to overcome both fossil fuel dependence and the politico-economic behaviours that have turned swathes of Global South countries into natural resource repositories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Our cost-of-illness (COI) model adopted payer and societal perspectives over five years to measure the economic burden of Systemic Lupus Erythematosus (SLE) in Colombia. A prevalence-based model was constructed to estimate costs and economic consequences for SLE patients in Colombia. The model included four health states: three phenotypes of SLE representing mild, moderate, and severe states and death. The clinical inputs were captured from the published literature and validated by the Delphi panel. Our model measured direct medical and indirect costs, including disease management, transient events, and indirect costs. One-way sensitivity analysis was also performed. The number of Colombian SLE patients was 37,498. The number of SLE patients with mild, moderate, and severe phenotypes was 5343, 28757 and 3,397, respectively. SLE-patients with moderate (Colombian pesos; COP 146 billion) and severe phenotypes (COP276 billion) incurred higher costs than those with mild phenotypes (COP2 billion), over 5 years. The total SLE cost in Colombia over five years from the payer and societal perspectives was estimated to be COP 915 billion and 8 trillion, respectively. The costs per patient per year from the payer and societal perspectives were COP 4,881,902 ($3,510) and COP 46,637,054 ($33,528), respectively. The burden of SLE in Colombia over five years is substantially high, mainly due to the consequences of economic loss because it affects women and men of working age, in addition to the costs of SLE management and its consequences, such as flares, infection, and organ damage. Our COI indicated that disease management costs among patients with moderate and severe SLE were substantially higher than those among patients with a mild phenotype. Therefore, more attention should be paid to limiting the progression of SLE and the occurrence of flares, with the need for further economic evaluation of novel treatment strategies that help in disease control. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]