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I have chosen to approach the complicated problem of the poetically difficult at a specific but, it seems to me, focal point: the point where the single word and the single concept come together in a union that is at the same time a conflict. Rhetoricians called the trope translatio or metaphora 'difficult' because, as the force of the term suggests, a word is carried outside its normal semantic range into foreign territory. Metaphor is a linguistic mixed marriage – a word from one family gives its own name to an alien conceptual bride, sensing in the very diversity of the partnership the possibility of a vital and vigorous union. If the match comes off well, it re-enacts in minimal form the most widely-celebrated marriage of the Middle Ages – the marriage of eloquent word with perceptive awareness of things: Mercury again meets Philology.

This study seeks to identify the factors influencing the marked reli gious endogamy among Shin-Amidists and was conducted in a village where this tendency was clearly evident ; there being only 5 cases of mixed marriage recorded between 1870 and 1952. The author first looks at the social background. Do Shin-Amidists not marry Shingonists because of differing social status ? But in fact, the two groups are represented in the same proportion in the social pyramid. Neither can differences in profession, family life or locality be show to be significant. The author then turns to the religious back ground, but finds little support for this practice in doctrine, he did discover though, that the Shin-Amidists do hold at regular intervals religious meetings whose function is, in part, to encourage marriages between the families, and similar meetings are held by the Shingonists. A mixed marriage would therefore run counter to the object of these gatherings and undermine their aim. The author looks again at the question of social class as endogamy is hard to find among the upper class, but he concludes this is due to their small numbers. In the author's opinion therefore endogamy is a sign of the inte gration of their religious faith into the daily life of the Shin-Amidists.

Drawn from two years of ethnographic research amongst foreign residents in Bahrain this paper discusses marriages between Bahraini men and non-Arab women.1 The first half of the paper outlines the entry of non-Arab women into the migrant workforce in Bahrain and the obstacles to marriage between these women and Bahraini men. The second half of the paper discusses the cultural attitudes toward mixed marriages and compares Bahraini-European marriages to Bahraini-Filipina marriages in order to explore the intersections of race and class in shaping attitudes towards mixed marriages. Bahraini-Filipina marriages meet with greater criticism and resistance from the extended family of the groom and the participants are subject to greater stigmatization than are Bahraini-European marriages. This paper illustrates how the current economic and social hierarchies shaping migration to the Arab Gulf influence attitudes of race, class and sexual attractiveness.

In New Haven a "triple-melting-pot" type of assimilation is occuring through intermarriage, with Catholicism, Protestantism, and Judaism serving as the three fundamental bulwarks. Catholics mostly marry other Catholics; Jews almost always choose Jewish mates; while Protestants prefer non-Catholic Gentiles. Our statistics show a marked adherence to these religious choices. Thus the different nationalities are merging, but within three religious compartments rather than indiscriminately: with Protestant British-Americans, Germans, and Scandinavians intermarrying mutually; Catholic Irish, Italians, and Poles forming a separate intermarrying group; and Jews remaining almost completely endogamous. A triple religious cleavage rather than a multilinear nationality cleavage, therefore, seems likely to characterize American society in the future. When mixed marriage does occur, it would appear that the relative strength of each religion can be gauged by the type of ceremony employed to sanction such unions. In New...

According to Lebanese law, a marriage is characterized as mixed when it is contracted between two Lebanese of different confessions or between a Lebanese and a foreigner: The legal system regulating marriage is determined by confessional affiliation for the Lebanese and by national affiliation for the foreigners.

Van Den Berghe Pierre L. Miscegenation in South Africa. In: Cahiers d'études africaines, vol. 1, n°4, 1960. pp. 68-84.

Are there any criteria which allow marriages to be definitively classified as mixed ? Simply counting every possible variable would be interminable and fallacious and would lead to the definition of all marriages as mixed, confounding heterogamy and mixedness. It is not the existence of a difference — whatever that difference may be — that defines mixedness but the existence of an endogamous social group which operates according to a social definition of 'difference' and accepts the notion of interdict. Mixed marriage is then the union between two people who should not have married. Their marriage infringes upon principles considered as important for the survival and cohesion of the group. The authors consider problems arising in the study of mixed couples in the light of the following : — Under what conditions may mixed marriage be considered pathological ; — to what extent are the effects of the social definition of difference subject to varia¬ tions according to feelings of membership ; — at what level does the notion of social status come in ; — what are the problems which cultural duality entails for the socialization of the couples and their children., Bensimon Doris, Lautman Françoise. Quelques aspects théoriques des recherches concernant les mariages mixtes [Some theorical aspects of research about mixed marriages]. In: Ethnies, volume 4, 1974. Les mariages mixtes. pp. 17-39.

For a number of years now I have been researching, writing, and lecturing on gender issues, with an emphasis on the condition of women in the Arab world. I knew the statistics, most of the related data, and several stories about the plight of individual Arab and Moslem women in these patriarchal societies. In brief, I knew my subject. At least I thought I did, until I got married. What had previously been mostly an academic exercise suddenly and unexpectedly became a personal saga.

T IHE NATIVE white population falls into two groups: those with native parents and others who come from foreign parents or who have one foreign parent. This category, called native white of foreign or mixed parentage,' is treated mostly as a unit. It is uniformly called "second generation" and has been given much study. It is obvious, however, that groups so dissimilar in structure must differ in function. We are wont to see conflicts arising from the clashing worlds of the native child and the foreign parents. We are satisfied with the label "foreign born" although term and notion put a British couple on par with an Armenian who married a Finnish girl. A different cultural element is carelessly believed to enter each marriage of a native with a foreigner. These easy generalizations would not do much harm if the phenomena were insignificant in magnitude. The fact is that more than one third of the 23,000,000 Americans classified as native white of foreign or mixed parentage in I940 had parents, one a native American and the other a foreignborn. The war has created a new type of mixed marriage in allied and occupied countries. The problem is therefore weighty enough to call for examination and the official denomination is too cumbersome to discourage the quest for a briefer term.2 There have been prior attempts to discuss the delinquency,3 the insanity4 and the suicide5 rates of the native of mixed parentage. But that is all. The group itself has not been carefully studied nor split up in its component parts. The relative control of father or mother has not been weighed. Which of the countless nativities preponderantly come into play? Are there different age conditions which would affect delinquent tendencies? What is the economic status of both categories? May it be that the census figures are not quite reliable because the enumerator did not always receive a correct statement? The I933 prison statistics supply data on male prisoners admitted in Federal institu

Religious patterns of conversion are shown to differ depending upon whether the spouse was a Catholic or a Protestant, a wife or a husband. Patterns of conversion were mediated to some extent by the social status of the husband as suggested by the occupation of the husband. The decision to convert or not to convert involves a confrontation between two religious systems, and it may also represent a clash between religious constraints and non-religious constraints.

F OR FOUR years the writer has been collecting mixed marriage cases personally known to his students in the course on "Marriage and the Family." There are now 325 cases complete enough for tabulation purposes, making a large enough sample to show something of the variety and nature of such marriages. There is no control group with which they can be directly compared, but subgroups can be compared with each other and some aspects of behavior noted. Finally, some of the special hazards of such marriages can be analyzed. I. Inter-racial Marriages. There are 48 cases of marriages between races. On the basis of nationality, sex and race there are 32 different combinations, such as Negro (U.S.)XWhite (Poland), Japanese (Japan)XWhite (Ireland), etc.' In the whole series slightly over half the combinations have only one case each. Only two have more than 2 cases: Negro (U.S.)XWhite (U.S.), 9 cases; Chinese (China) X White (U.S.), 4 cases. When only sex and race are considered the five combinations (using the simple three-color classification) are as follows

As IN other Anglo-Saxon countries, Australians think of interfaith marriages as CatholicProtestant marriages. There are too few Jews in Australia to make a Jewish-Gentile marriage at all common. In the 1961 Census, 2,465 or eight percent of all married Jews, were married to a Christian spouse. As elsewhere the Jews apparently realize that ethnic survival depends on whether or not they follow the injunction of Deuteronomy 7:1-4 not to make marriages with foreigners, for the latter "will turn away thy son from following me." Unions of members of different Protestant denominations do not draw much attention. On the other hand, CatholicProtestant marriages raise eyebrows, mainly because of the antenuptial agreement, by which the non-Catholic partner promises to bring up the children of the marriage as Catholics. This, together with the fact that a Catholic will have to marry in his or her church in order to have church approval has made for ruffled feelings. The Catholic Church has not always been able to prevent or monopolize interfaith marriages. In the early convict days the first two Catholic priests (Therry and Conolly who arrived in 1820) were expressly forbidden to solemnize a marriage if only one partner was Catholic (O'Farrell, 1968: 28). These rules were later relaxed, but some priests such as Archbishop Polding, the first Catholic bishop in Australia, were more concerned with getting couples to convert liaisons into marriages than putting obstacles in the way of mixed marriages, for a mixed marriage he thought, was better than none at all (O'Farrell, 1968: 141). It was not until the middle of the latter half of the nineteenth century that the Catholic bishops became seriously concerned with the frequency

WILLIAM Dean Howells' An Imperative Duty (1891), published at the climax of his crusade for realism, has been called his "worst violation of the commonplace." In this judgment of Howells' handling of an aspect of the race problem, the Literary History of the United States criticizes Howells for "evading the obvious difficulties of mixed marriage ... by shipping the couple off to live in Europe."1 That Howells' choice and treatment of material is unrealistic is also implied in Sterling Brown's comment on the "age-worn tragedy of the octoroon" as developed in An Imperative Duty: "there were," Brown declares, "graver, less romantic problems of Negro life that a novelist of Howells' scope and ability might have presented."2 It is probably true, as the disparaging remarks of these critics imply, that Howells is unrealistic in selecting for his novel what may be in life (though not in fiction) a relatively rare phase of the race question and in removing his octoroon heroine,3 Rhoda, after her marriage to the white hero, to Italy, a country in which Howells need not study the social effects of race prejudice and in which Rhoda is not exposed to any temptation to devote herself to action directed against that prejudice. But these criticisms of An Imperative Duty overlook two respects in which Howells has attempted to de-romanticize his material. In the first place, even in his denouement-escapist, and therefore romantic, as it is from the viewpoint of the social reformer -Howells has deliberately developed, instead of the traditional

In examining background factors in the interfaith marriages of Catholics, it is important to include not only those marriages in which both partners maintain their childhood affiliation but also those in which one partner converts. After examining the implications of this rule, this article presents a secondary analysis of some survey data from the Detroit area. The evidence indicates that the intermarriage rate for Catholic men is not significantly different from that of Catholic women, that education in Catholic schools predicts conversion rates rather than intermarriage rates, and that in one small sample a Catholic ceremony was most often chosen by the partners in a mixed marriage.