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This article focuses on a research that grew out of an interest in the characteristics of religious leadership, focusing particularly upon the analysis of the conceptions of the pastoral role held by a sample of lay officeholders and pastors from the Church of the Brethren. The analysis was directed generally toward the discovery of the degree of professionalism expected in the pastoral role and particularly the discovery of the degree of similarity between the role expectations of laymen and pastors. Statistically significant differences were found between the pastoral role expectations of officeholders and pastors. Pastors expected a greater degree of professionalism in the rationality and dimensions than did office-holders, but a lesser degree in the functional specificity dimension. The widest differences were manifested in the universalism dimension where pastors expressed expectations for a much greater degree of professionalism. A research lead stemming from the differences in role expectations found among officeholders and pastors is that of discovering more systematically the implications of such differential conceptions for the on-going programs of particular local congregations.

An image of man is a model describing what man is and how he becomes what he is. Positively, the image integrates all the characteristics constituting man. Negatively, it differentiates man from the remainder of the cosmos. This article has three objectives, to develop a typology of images of man in an empirical framework, to demonstrate that an individual's image of man influences his attitudes toward concrete social norms, specifically, the attitudes of some ministers and psychiatrists toward those counseling norms associated with their membership groups and to demonstrate that an individual's image of man is, in part, a function of the position he occupies in the social structure. The particularistic-performance image emphasizes manipulation of one person by another or of a person by himself. Man evolves through the concrete relationship between the agent and subject. The image characterized by universalism and quality stresses tradition and eternal values. Man's nature is constituted by his position in the structure of these values.

This article focuses on exploring connections between some concepts in the theory of action. The initial distinction between orientation primacy and situational problem is abandoned--at least as far as the content of the classification is concerned. Instead, the distinction between variables particularly relevant for need-dispositions and for role-expectation analysis is picked up-but the basis for that distinction, or the classificatory principle, is changed. Now, the classification is based on indeterminacies of objects vs. indeterminacies in attitudes. It seems that the first classification principle is kept, but that the resulting grouping is the one originally produced by the second principle. So, this conclusion is reached--before a situation can have determinate meaning for the actor, its objects must be defined either in performance- or in quality-terms and in terms of either universalism or particularism; and he must so to say select either affectivity or affective neutrality and either specificity or diffuseness as relevant principles for his attitude formation.

This article focuses on the occupational role of housemaids. This article is an incidental product of a survey of the impact of labor-legislation upon the working conditions of housemaids in Oslo. It is intended as a contribution to the sociology of occupations. Its main thesis is this--the occupational relationship and the role expectations between a family and its domestic servants were patterned throughout a long tradition in a society with a preponderance of Gemeinschaft-characteristics. The significance of the problem is twofold. It is based upon the assumption that the employer and employee are not free to arrange their relationship in any way they want. They are both caught in the web of role-expectations that are traditionally given or imposed by present economic and material conditions, legislation, etc. These expectations may be more or less psychologically compatible seen from the individual's point of view. The results of the study indicate that there is a move in the direction of more universalism and more specificity also on the level of internalized norms for interpersonal behavior.

One of the most distinctive occupational groups in modern society is the community of natural scientists. The set of norms characterizing science as a social system, universalism, organized skepticism, disinterestedness, rationality, communism clearly sets it apart from other institutional areas such as economics or politics. The orientation expected of members towards its output or purpose is a reflection of what has been called the ideology of pure science. Unlike other occupational groups where success comes by pleasing administrative superiors and climbing an organizational hierarchy or by doing well economically in the market place, success for the scientist qua scientist comes through various forms of recognition by his peers that he has contributed something useful to the discipline. Furthermore, the contribution is usually a specialized one and whoever lacks the capacity to put on blinders and to come up to the idea that the fate of his soul depends on whether or not he makes a correct conjecture may as well stay away from science. He will never have what one may call the personal experience of science. Scientific careers are pursued in a variety of institutional settings but the preferred one has, of course, been the university and the preferred activity has been to engage in teaching and basic research.

An operational definition of universalism-particularism is suggested that distinguishes this pair of concepts from the other pattern variables and pertains to social structures of role relations rather than to personality dispositions or to cultural symbols. Whether universalistic or particularistic standards govern the orientations of a group of people toward one another is inferred from the pattern of distribution of these orientations. The development of such empirical procedures for operationalizing Parsons' abstract concept is a first step in translating his theoretical framework into a substantive theory of social structure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The following section of this paper concerns the relationship between social sanction and universalism and particularism (U-P) action. In addition, social distance and publicity are reconsidered to bring out any interactions. The final section takes up the question of whether personality traits influence role conflict resolution when social forces are balanced. While much has been made of social sanction in sociological and anthropological treatments of social control, little attention has been given the problem of measurement. Classifications such as "sacred and profane," and "law, mores, and folkways," point in the direction of scales, but a workable unidimensional scale has yet to be achieved. Within law there are criminal and civil offenses with a rough gradation of penalties, but the picture is confused because a variety of penalties may be allotted to the one crime. A list of acts was compiled to represent the wide range of crimes, misdemeanors, and improprieties found in social life.

The article presents a speech by Ralph N. Schmidt, Speech Area Coordinator at the Utica College of Syracuse University in New York, concerning the message of the preacher Olympia Brown. Schmidt reiterates how Brown was ordained as a preacher and what kind of preacher she was. For him, Brown was definitely an effective preacher who was searching opportunities to preach Universalism while speaking for woman suffrage. She preached these through her notes and manuscripts.

Options of cash and services in social provision are viewed from three perspectives. The author also presents guidelines for providing services, describes the compromise voucher measure, and points out merits of universalism in both services and income maintenance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Lower class buyer-seller interaction is examined in 13 types of local consumer establishments to determine whether primary type relationships emerge. Of the 4,324 interactions studied, 492 or 11.4 percent are construed as Friendships. Of the three variables introduced to account for variation in Friendship, "frequency" of interaction picks up 50 percent of explained variance, "intensity" of interaction 38 percent, and locational "accessibility" of establishment four percent. Since those interactions which exhibit high intensity and low frequency occur in service relationships that involve expert others, it is hypothesized that friendship is a protective device used by the defenseless consumer to change the normative ground of interaction from universalism to particularism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on various norms of science. The norms of science such as universalism, organized skepticism, communism, disinterestedness, rationality, and emotional neutrality have been discussed. These norms function to maintain the autonomy of science. Also the conflicts between the norms of science and the norms of other social institutions have been highlighted. There are two significant questions raised by these attempts to account for the operation of scientific norms: (1) to what extent do scientists share the aforementioned norms? and (2) do such norms, as they have become institutionalized in the structure of the scientific community, actually contribute to the major goal of science- namely, the build-up of valid scientific information? The natural sciences stress precise mathematical and technical criteria, whereas the softer social sciences emphasize less defined logico-theoretical standards. One way to examine the operations of the evaluation and recognition systems of science is to determine the criteria that are actually used by scientists to evaluate scientific publications.