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Black religion as inspiration of and opiate for militancy is explored on the basis of data collected in an urban community in the upper South. Orthodoxy is shown to be positively related to militancy, while sectarianism is inversely related. Orthodoxy, viewed as churchlike ideology, is shown to be significantly related to church participation. Sectarianism, interpreted as part of the general culture of less educated blacks, is tangential to the religious system per se. Sectarianism is unrelated to participation in a religious organization. The results of a secondary analysis of the Gary Marx data are also reported.

The Jesus People, as members of a distinctive age stratum, exhibit many attributes common to the counterculture: subjectivism, informality, spontaneity, new forms and media of communication. As members of a distinctive religious orientation, they exhibit attributes common to fundamentalist and Pentacostal Christianity: the inerrancy of scripture, emphasis on the Holy Spirit, and a commitment to “one way” to God. This phenomenological study of the Jesus People suggests that the movement can best be seen as the result of a youthful cohort's “fresh contact” (using Mannheim's concept) with the fundamentalist tradition in Christianity, set within the context of structural conditions in American society in the 1960s and in organized American religion, plus the distinctive life style and orientations of the broader youth counterculture movement. It is suggested that this unique generational movement represents a potential for change in American religious institutions.

The paper is baaed on two interlinked concepts, demonstrated by three investigations, one in England, two in Canada. When faced with the necessity to rank in order of priority a series of decisions which must be made within a finite range of choice, the ranking when arranged cumulatively by priority follows a definite pattern which can be expressed by the relationship y = axb, which is illustrated graphically as a straight line plot on log-log graph paper. In all three enquiries; one concerns the purchase of women's shoeB, one with the sorting out of the priorities within the problems of a religious organization, the third with ranking the decisions that are taken by industrial executives, in the equation y =y axb has a value of between 0·4 and 0·6. The similarity is striking. It is felt that it is only possible to discover the genuine ranking of priorities within a finite range by allowing the person concerned, man or woman, complete freedom of choice. In Case 1 there was the physical ranking i...

Summary In 1919, certain groups of the Lugbara tribe attempted a violent rising against the British colonial government in West Nile District, Uganda. It soon became apparent that the rising was closely associated with a spirit-possession cult known as Yakan or the Allah water cult, which, over a number of years, had established a considerable following among the Lugbara. The Yakan cult can be regarded as a factor in Lugbara response to a series of alien invasions in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries; but while violent resistance was a recurring theme in the cult's history, the internal development of Yakan both in terms of its ideology and its organization came to present the Lugbara with an alternative to their traditional system of religious organization and beliefs and at the same time presented them with a means of coming to terms with, and even of exploiting, the colonial situation. That certain sections of the cult membership exploded into violent resistance to the British in 1919 w...

Opening ParagraphThe Yoruba Ogboni cult has been referred to as a typical ‘secret society’ for over fifty years, yet it has never been described in any detail, or analysed in accurate general terms. Frobenius discovered its controlling importance in Yoruba religious organization in 1910 and promptly became initiated into the Ibadan Ogboni, but only to get information from the priests of other Yoruba cults. He made no attempt to study the beliefs of Ogboni members, whom he dismissed as ‘mystery-mongering greybeards’. Two anthropologists have been initiated into the cult in the course of the last twenty-five years, but have declared themselves bound by its oath of secrecy, and so have published nothing about it.

In the field of extra-curriculum activities the intelligence of. the participants in the various organizations is a much-discussed subject. It has long been a byword that athletes have low intelligence and that students working on publications and in semi-curriculum activities have greater intellectual ability. These generalizations have usually been made without the presentation of systematic data to support them. This investigation of the relation of intelligence, as measured by tests of college aptitude, to participation in extra-curriculum activities by students in high school and college is based on data gathered for 512 students in six high schools in Minneapolis, Minnesota, for the years 1922-25 and the performance of the same students in the University of Minnesota between 1925 and 1929. The shift from the high school to the university level in the rank of the various activities in relation to the median mental ability of the participants is due to shifts in the interests of the students, for this discussion is based on the same 512 cases in both instances. Activities are grouped and classified under the following headings: athletic, semi-curriculum (mathematics and language clubs, etc.), dramatics, music clubs, religious organizations, publications, student government, and social clubs. A group of students participating in no activities is added in order to complete the comparison. As these group titles are self-explanatory, no detailed descriptions will be given here. An attempt was made to separate debating organizations from semi-curriculum groups, but the small number taking part in debating made combination of the two groups advisable. Data on participation were obtained from the yearbooks of the Minneapolis high schools and from the Gopher, the University of Minnesota annual.

The Old Belief is a rather widespread current in religion. One of the most significant features of this trend is the variety of schools within it. This peculiarity of the Old Belief is a reflection of the heterogeneous nature of its class support in the prerevolutionary period of its history, and is today expressed in the uniqueness of the form of religious organization and of the attitude on the part of the believers to the world around them.

(1963). Topic: COORDINATING COUNCILS OF RELIGIOUS ORGANIZATIONS IN PUBLIC COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES. Religious Education: Vol. 58, No. 4, pp. 362-394.

This review of the ethnographic data on North American clans and moieties suggests that they did not develop as a device to maintain knowledge of genealogical connections between lineages, but rather were a device to establish and maintain relationships with non-kin through the fiction of kinship. Certain features of these groups further suggest that they originally served to facilitate trade over the North American continent and were intimately bound up with a religious organization and ideology introduced from and maintained in pre-Columbian times with Mexico.

Census Bulletin io3 is a summary of the statistics of religious bodies for "continental United States" at the end of I906. Changes are therefore indicated, not for the usual ten-year period, but for the i6 years from I890. Out of many items of general sociological interest that are either stated in or deducible from this Bulletin, I select a few for brief description. i. Of the twelve denominations that have ceased to exist during the i6 years, one-half were communistic. Only 22 local communistic religious groups survive out of 32 reported in I890. Of these 22 groups, I5 belong to the denomination of Shakers, and 7 to that of the Amana Society. The total membership of communistic religious organizations has declined from 4,049 to 2,272. The Shakers have decreased from I,728 to 5i6, but the Amana Society has slightly increased, namely, from i,6oo to 19756. 2. Group-forming has been somewhat active. As against I2 denominations that have become extinct, and four that have disappeared through consolidation with other denominations, division of denominations has added I3 to the total, immigration has added ii, and 29 new denominations have been formed. There has been a rapid increase of independent congregations. From I55 in I890, the number has advanced to I,079, an increase of 596 per cent. as against a general increase in the number of local organizations of only 28.5 per cent. 3. The membership of religious bodies has increased considerably faster than the population. The increase of population is, in round numbers, 34 per cent.; that of members of religious organizations, 6o per cent., and that of the property of local re

In the year 1837 the Michigan state legislature passed an act that brought into being the Literary Department of the University of Michigan. It was not until 1841 that the school with two instructors, a librarian, and six students opened its doors. Since then 48,000 men and women have studied in the University, 30,000 of whom are still living, while 25,000 and more have received degrees. During the last academic year there were 5,381 students in the seven departments, all grouped around a single campus, with a faculty of 325, exclusive of assistants and demonstrators. Fortynine different states and territories and twenty-nine different countries were represented. It is interesting to note the number and variety of social, literary, fraternal, athletic, and religious organizations that are to be found in a great university. At Michigan, for instance, there are sixty-three different fraternities and clubs, all of which, with very few exceptions, own or rent commodious buildings. In addition, there are eighty-seven other organizations that clamor for the student's support and attention, exclusive wholly of the twenty-nine athletic teams and associations. Mention should be made as well of the larger groups that are brought together by the athletic games of the season, the important social events of midwinter, and the almost weekly literary and musical entertainments. At this writing we cannot determine how uniformly the privileges of these organizations are distributed among the student body. If there is one class of men more largely debarred than any other, it is probably that body of men who feel the necessity of earning a part or all of their expenses. There are hundreds of such students spending anywhere from three to thirty hours per week in such work, and yet it is surprising how many even of these

IN relation to industry the Church performs a threefold function: It is the teacher of the principles of conduct; It is the voice of moral judgment; It is the herald of a new order. Whatever form the Church takes, it always fulfills in some degree this threefold function, save for those temporary groupings whose members vainly seek to evade the difficulties of this present life by turning their eyes constantly toward a future state of their own imagining. In this discussion the term "industry" means something more than organized manufacturing. Because of the well-nigh universal presence and influence of the machine, industry now means all those relationships of economic activity which are both the essentials of human existence and the means to culture. This coal and iron age has given these relationships so large a place in life that the religious organization which ignores or neglects them will engage men for but an aesthetic interlude in more urgent affairs or for a fleeting moment as they make their exit from this world.

Medicine’s place of special esteem through history has been dependent upon the covenant that exists between doctor and patient. In the words of Hippocrates, “Into whatever house I enter I will go unto them for the benefit of the sick and will abstain from every voluntary act of mischief and corruption.” The well being of the patient is the doctor’s primary concern and though we joke occasionally about other motives in medical practice, the disloyal doctor is among the furthest fallen. At intervals throughout the history of medicine, efforts have been made to alter and subvert the primacy of the doctor-patient relationship in the name of some political group or religious organization. For example, during the Dark Ages and even extending through the early 1800’s, physicians often acted as agents of the State in antiwitch and anti-sorcerer campaigns. The unhappy role of a certain segment of German medicine during World War II is a more recent example of the subordination of the welfare of the patient. Most physicians believe that the proudest moments in medical history are related to efforts of the individual or groups of physicians to heal the sick and conversely historical precedents regarding non-healing roles for physicians are not always reassuring( 1, 2). With this introduction, the authors wish to undertake a review of certain trends in current psychiatric consulting practices. In recent decades, there has been a rapid development of a psychiatric commitment to areas in which the doctor’s involvement is not primarily related to patient care. Many psychiatrists have been invited to use their understanding of human behavior to facilitate the resolution of complex organizational and social dilemmas. And psychi

One of the most significant signs of the times is the widespread interest in boys' work. Civic, religious, and educational organizations have made surveys of boy-life and adopted well-defined policies of procedure, calling for the expenditure of hundreds of thousands of dollars. In fact, there are few communities in the United States today in which some agency ministering to the needs of boys cannot be found. Prominent among them are the Boy Scouts, the DeMolay, special Sunday school classes, Y.M.C.A. athletic groups, and, more recently, the Hi-Y. All of these are represented in Mississippi, but the Hi-Y probably reaches more boys than most of the others combined. It is with the Hi-Y that this article deals, and especially with the Hi-Y in Mississippi, since it has attained a record growth in that state. Out of the eighteen hundred Hi-Y clubs in the United States, with a total membership of more than fifty thousand boys, Mississippi boasts 243, with an enrolment of over seven thousand. Illinois has 102, with a membership of over twenty-five hundred. Ohio follows with 94 clubs and thirty-two hundred boys enrolled; Michigan has 86 with an enrolment of twenty-five hundred; Iowa, 81, with two thousand; Indiana, 37, with over fifteen hundred; and Wisconsin reports 84, with more than thirteen hundred members. The Hi-Y is a Young Men's Christian Association on the highschool level. It is operated by high-school boys for high-school boys, under the supervision of an adult advisory board. Its purpose is "the creation, maintenance, and extension of high standards of Christian character throughout the school and community." It is primarily a religious organization, proselyting for no church and safeguarding the interests of all; but it is also a civic organization, giving its members practical training in the fundamentals of Christian citizenship. All other agencies doing boys' work con

A Sister, member of a religious Congregation, and a priest, member of a religious Order, are led to admit that their mutual friendship has deepened to mutual love. This awareness engenders for both of them a conflict between their organizational roles and their need to bring this love to its normal issue. After a long period of selfanalysis and reflection, they decide to marry. The recognition of this most personal experience is delayed by the subjects' efforts to take refuge in their religious roles. Moreover, their decision to marry does not put an end to their difficulties. They find in their religious institutes, as well as in themselves, a strong resistance to the leaving of their organizational roles. The concept of "organizational attraction" is presented as a synthetic concept relating the objective attractiveness of the organization to the personality of its members. Three types of organizational attraction are distinguished-coercive, referent, and expert. The emphasis on coercive attraction on the part of the organization results in the parting members' reevaluation of their ties with it.

Three well-established generalizations of church ecology are re-evaluated with Seattle Standard Metropolitan Area data on distribution and movement of churches by the major faiths, and four functional types of Protestant churches. Principal findings are: (1) Distinctive distributional patterns for geographical and social areas characterize the various religious categories. (2) Church spatial movement appears not to be as important a mode of adjustment to ecological and demographic changes as in the past. (3) No dominant pattern of outward and suburban movement by church organizations is revealed by this study, although intra-area moves are frequent. A LIVELY topic of sociological interest several decades ago was the question of the place of the church in an evolving urban scene.' Since then, only sporadic attention has been given to these and related matters. There is recent evidence, however, of renewed interest in examining church distribution and adaptation by * I wish to acknowledge financial assistance from the Office of Population Research, University of Washington, under the direction of Calvin F. Schmid. This paper has benefited from critical reading by John R. Walker, University of Washington, and Wendell Bell, University of California, Los Angeles. 1 For summaries of this research, see: F. Stuart This content downloaded from 207.46.13.53 on Thu, 01 Sep 2016 04:40:08 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms CHURCH DISTRIBUTION AND MOVEMENT 355 use of systematic urban typologies, notably social area analysis.2 This paper reports a study of all churches in the metropolitan area of Seattle, Washington, designed to re-examine some earlier formulations of church ecology and to provide an assessment of social area techniques for the study of spatial relations of churches. Firmly established in urban theory is the notion that the city encompasses a diversity of spatially distinct population groups, social organizations, and land uses, which are distributed in an orderly, systematic pattern within the urban framework. Theoretically, at least, there is a close association between these three elements. This certainly is true for churches, which as service organizations are closely related to the local community and to the population groups from which membership is drawn.3 Since numerous studies show that religious groups differ with respect to ideology, organizational structure, and sources of membership, it is generally assumed that religious organizations are differentially distributed among the subareas of the city. Several conditions may exist which affect the position of the church in the local community. Ecological and demographic shifts which result in changes in land use nd population distribution invariably have consequences for churches, particularly when this movement involves population groups predominantly served by certain types of religious groups. Churches located in areas of expanding industrial or commercial development, or in areas undergoing invasion and succession by population groups with different religious affiliations, are potentially subject to serious problems of dwindling membership and support. When these changes occur frequently, as they do in many parts of the metropolitan complex, religious organizations must constantly re-evaluate and reassess their position in the community. The strategy adopted by these churches may involve both structural and functional adaptations for the organization.4 The spatial movement of a church from one location in the city to another is one major mode of church adjustment discussed in the literature. As members belonging to a church move away from the community, a discrepancy is created between the location of the church and the locations of church members, providing membership in the church is maintained. A spatial move by the church is a possible solution toward reducing this discrepancy and assuring the survival of the organization. Churches which move tend to "follow the main trends of population, keeping fairly close to the residential locations of the majority of their members," according to Gist and Halbert.5 This conclusion is consistent with findings from a number of church studies conducted in large middle western cities.6 This paper examines three propositions which follow from this theoretical perspective on the ecology of the church. (1) There are distinct patterns of spatial distribution for different types of religious organizations. (2) Spatial movement is a common form of adjustment to environmental pressures. (3) The general pattern of movement by Chapin, Contemporary American Institutions (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1935); Harlan Paul Douglass, The Church in the Changing City (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1937); Samuel C. Kincheloe, The American City and Its Church (New York: Friendship Press, 1938); and James A. Quinn, Human Ecology (New York: Prentice-Hall, 1950). 2 Jack H. Curtis, Frank Avesing, and Ignatius Klosek, "Urban Parishes as Social Areas," American Catholic Sociological Review, 18 (December 1957), pp. 319-325, and Robert Leroy Wilson, "The Association of Urban Social Areas in Four Cities and the Institutional Characteristics of Local Churches in Five Denominations" (Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Sociology, Northwestern University, 1958). At present, research projects are being carried on by several Protestant and Roman Catholic groups. One obvious shortcoming of these endeavors is that they are directed exclusively to particular religious organizations; therefore, they do not afford an overview by all major faiths. 3A general statement of the importance of maintaining community orientations is contained in Walter Kloetzli and Arthur Hillman, Urban Church Planning: The Church Discovers its Community (Philadelphia: Muhlenberg Press, 1958). This viewpoint is not without its critics. See, e.g., Martin E. Marty, "Sects and Cults," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 332 (November 1960), pp. 131-132. 4These include spatial moves, mergers, ministerial replacements, alterations in church programs, etc. Full discussion of alternatives is to be included in another paper being prepared by the writer. 5Noel P. Gist and L. A. Halbert, Urban Society (New York: Crowell, 1956), pp. 115-116. 6 Harlan Paul Douglass, The St. Louis Church Susrvey (New York: Doran, 1924); Wesley Akin Hotchkiss, Areal Patterns of Religious Institutions in Cincinnati, Geography Research Paper No. 13 (University of Chicago, 1950); and Murray H. Leiffer, City and Church in Transition (Chicago: Willett, Clark, 1938). This content downloaded from 207.46.13.53 on Thu, 01 Sep 2016 04:40:08 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

F OUR years ago Bucknell University instituted a StudentFaculty Congress to have supervision over student activities. Consisting of eighteen students and twelve faculty members, this organization has met over thirty times. Special meetings and committees have been assembled many more times during its course of existence. As an experiment in a democratic, cooperative control of student activities, Bucknell Student-Faculty Congress has made an interesting record. Still in the tentative, experimental stages, the plan avoids, on the one hand, the laissez faire system hitherto in vogue here and, on the other, a dictatorial oversight. Four years of experience with this plan have revealed certain unfortunate weaknesses in the setup, but have also been most encouraging. A faculty committee made a careful investigation of all student activities, apart from intercollegiate athletics and social fraternities, in 1931. The committee found a complicated maze of activities functioning with varying degrees of efficiency. A few appeared no longer to meet any real needs whatsoever, yet they perpetuated themselves by yearly initiations. Others seemed to depend wholly upon the enthusiasm of their officers and at times to emerge meteorlike from the darkness of obscurity. Some activity groups, owing to the absence of integration, were overcharged by dance orchestras or by printers, while other groups were given special prices. Although a college officer audited the account books, there was no control over expenditures. Bills accumulating over the years curtailed the expenditures of oncoming generations of students. The principal objections to the former laissez faire plan were, first, that student activities were not co-ordinated; and, second, that these activities were not so directed as to fit in with the whole educational program of the college. The first step was to appoint twelve faculty members to serve on the Congress and to ask the students to elect eighteen representatives from the dominant-interest groups. These persons made up the organization. Both a student and a faculty adviser represented each of the following: dramatics, debating, publications, intramural athletics, honorary and professional societies, musical groups, literary clubs, religious organizations, and citizenship. Students represented the Panhellenic and the interfraternity

In a " nation of immigrants," it is inevitable that there should be a national interest on the part of the private sectors in immigration. There are in fact many voluntary agencies that have concern with immi? grants and our national policy in relation to them, including not only the agencies giving technical assistance in immigration and nationality matters and in problems of adjustment, but others that basically only have a vital interest in our national policy. Among those active in this field are religious organizations, social welfare agencies, nationality group organizations, labor unions, civil rights organizations, patriotic organizations, refugee organizations, etc. The vast number of organizations interested in immigration have a fundamental credo?a nondiscriminatory American immigration policy. Generally there is no tendency to urge any great increase in the num? ber of immigrants?instead they emphasize that laws should provide for equitable procedures affecting the immigrant and his family, while protecting any legitimate interests of the United States. They also believe in speciaf efforts in behalf of refugees. Up until the passage of the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965, the major debate centered around the question of the abolition of the national origins quota system and the discriminatory Asia-Pacific Triangle. It is true that many of the organizations were also seeking change in other sections of the law and its administration particularly those which had serious implications in relation to immigrants and their assimilation into our country. But the main stimulus that brought them together was the discriminatory aspects of the law. After the passage of the Immigration Act of 1952 (the McCarran-Walter Act), sentiment became stronger than ever for abolishing the national origins quota system. In 1954, a group of organizations started working together, organizing the American Immigration Conference which subsequently became in 1960 the American Immigration and Citizenship Conference. Prior to this time

“Corresponding to what I called the theistic container, which has shaped divinity into a God existing over against the world, is the religious organization, which has shaped the church into a community existing over against the secular order…I believe in fact that what is dissolving is the casing of the church, and that this process could be one of release and liberation. Just as, in the God-debate, ‘the end of theism’ meant the end not of God but of one way of expressing the divine reality, so I believe that the decay of the religious organization is the decay of one body in which the church has hitherto lived and whose demise may be necessary for its resurrection.”

The problem of the relations between religious and political organizations and systems has been of long standing in the broad field of comparative historical studies and in the sociology of religion. The work of Max Weber, although more explicitly focused on the relations between economics and religion has, of course, contained many general and concrete analyses on the interrelations between religion and politics in general and between specific types of religious and political systems in particular. Some of the recent works dealing with this area have been devoted to the more general problem of “The State and Religion.” These discussions have emphasized the problem of their interdependence and mutual influence, especially in the more “developed” forms of both religious and political institutions, but have not always specified the exact types of religious and political structures whose interaction formed the object of the analysis.

Data from 365 subjects from seven types of social groups (jail inmates, college students of three ethnic backgrounds, members of Catholic and Protestant religious organizations) were examined. While amount of exposure was negatively related to the overall index of character, the relationship held primarily for those subjects first exposed after age 17. Amount of exposure to pornography was positively related to self-acknowledged sexual "deviance" at all ages of first exposure. Exposure was also related to a number of life history variables indicating early significant heterosexual experience and a greater involvement in homosexual and deviant sexual practices. A number of analyses were undertaken to explore the possible causal status which exposure to pornography may have with respect to sexual deviance. The pattern of obtained results leaves open the possibility that early exposure to pornography plays some causal role in the development of sexually deviant life styles or the possibility that exposure is merely part of or a product of adopting a sexually deviant life style. Language: en

Current attitudes of religious organizations toward the civil rights movement prompt the raising of various historical questions. These concern, among others, the attitude of the churches toward the slave trade and the use of slave labor in the American colonies. Did the churches ignore slavery or did they object to it but were unable to change it because of vested economic interests? Were there any individual clergymen who raised particularly loud voices of protest against the use of slave labor and the buying and selling of human beings? Did the churches make any effort to convert the Negroes to Christianity? The examination of such questions with reference to a specific religious denomination, the Dutch Reformed Church, sheds light on this subject.

CULTURAL and psychological studies of grief and mourning are of particular pertinency among the tribes of southwestern Arizona and southern California, where the expression of these reactions is not only uninhibited, but culturally encouraged. The following paper will show how one of the tribes within the larger area of death-emphasis treated these patterns, and will analyze, in tentative fashion, the function and the cultural consequences of this behavior. The group to be reported upon are the Cocopa Indians1 who, in aboriginal times, occupied the southernmost section of the delta of the Colorado River in what is now Sonora and Baja California, Mexico. At the present time, the tribe includes about six hundred people, divided nearly equally into two groups located north and south of the International Border near San Luis, in Arizona and Sonora. In the latter part of the nineteenth century, the time period covered in this report,2 the population numbered about twelve hundred, scattered through the lower delta in small rancherias composed, roughly, of a male leader and his patrilineal kinsmen and their families. The following brief summary of Cocopa culture will provide a better understanding of the material to follow. Social, political, and religious organization was at the simplest level. The Cocopa had no central political leadership, but were organized into four politically independent bands. The band leaders had but little authority and there was no mechanism for enforcing their decisions, so that leadership depended upon personal prestige and the mood of public opinion. There was no intervening organization between the band and the family; the clan was without function and there were no villages, nor associations. To some extent, however, each rancheria or extended family settlement recognized

THE OPUS DEI WAS FOUNDED AS A RELIGIOUS ORGANIZATION IN 1928 by Father Escrivá de Balaguer in Spain. Its existence is public but its membership has always been secret. During the period of the Civil War it went briefly underground, to re-emerge in Nationalist Spain. In 1947 it was recognized as the first Secular Institute by the Pope and the centre of the organization moved to Rome. It has been most successful in Spain where it profited from the extremely favourable conditions created by Franco's government for Catholic groups. Its aim was the re-conversion of all social classes and especially intellectual and bourgeois groups to a universal Catholic spirituality. It worked towards this aim through the positioning of its members in places of power within society: preferably in university chairs, banking, business or bureaucratic positions. Each member had the duty to lead an upright Catholic life and at the same time to convert the maximum possible number of his fellows to active Catholicism (or to membership of the Opus Dei), through the example of his life. This implied not only proficiency and diligence at work, but also the traditional spiritual values such as humility, chastity, obedience, etc. Escrivá de Balaguer argued that the further Opus members could rise up the social ladder the more influence they would have on society in general and on their fellows.

Les transformations de l'Eglise Catholique des Etats-Unis se répercutent profondément dans le changement de ses or ganisations spécialisées, telle la Compagnie de Jésus. Au cours des trois ou quatre dernières décennies, les Jésuites avaient détachés un grand nombre d'hommes, appelés « étu diants spéciaux », qui prenaient des grades dans des do maines traditionnels, mais surtout non traditionnels, et, de plus en plus, dans des universités non catholiques. Ces hom mes, rigoureusement sélectionnés et formés, étaient socialisés à une double appartenance par deux engagements complets : ils recevaient une identité sacrale par l'exercice du sacerdoce dans la Compagnie de Jesus et une identité instrumentale, séculière et scientifique par leur appartenance à la commu nauté universitaire. C'est ainsi qu'ils vivaient en eux-mêmes ce qui est peut-être la plus profonde distortion des valeurs de l'Occident : l'opposition entre le sacré et la sécularité. Ce conflit s'est manifesté par une mise en question de la structure, des objectifs, des engagements et du style de vie traditionnels des Jésuites. Depuis que l'Organisation a créé ce groupe et reconnu ses dilemmes, elle doit faire face à une source légitime de pression qui retvendique un changement de la structure et du mode de vie. Afin de poursuivre le recrutement et de maintenir ses engagements, l'Organisation a dû se résoudre à accepter le style de vie séculier, professionnel et individuel des « étudiants spéciaux », qui continuent à exercer une forte influence. Avec d'autres facteurs, ce phénomène a accéléré le changement de l'Organisation des Jésuites, au point que la présente analyse fait déjà partie de l'histoire et met en évi dence la nécessité d'analyses nouvelles.

but pessimistic about man in the concrete, the bureaucrat takes the world as he finds it and judges men as men, rather than as "Man," whom he has never met and probably never worried about. Second, the bureaucrat's agnosticism and nominalism his rejection of the enthusiast's true faith and abstract man -combine to make him profoundly suspicious of short-cuts; he is likely to be satisfied with piecemeal progress, scorning as fatuous and unrealistic the "all or nothing" approach which is so characteristic of the enthusiast. "Half a loaf is 50 per cent better than no loaf," he submits, "and tomorrow we can go after the other half." 43 To this end, he builds his cadres, convinced that ideals are no stronger than the organization engaged in institutionalizing them, and that organized pressure, not doctrinal purity, is the key to success. Indeed, it is this dedication to technique, to means, which is the bureaucrat's supreme gift to a movement. It is he who builds the instruments of social action, the structural machinery necessary to channel, concretize, and implement the group's aspirations, and it is he who puts organizational flesh on the bones of theory. Denied the vision of the enthusiast, sneered at by the high-flying intellectual, he spends his life in the quagmire of detail, and in so doing renders a unique and invaluable service to his cause. While the enthusiast is out exploring the nature of the cosmos, the bureaucrat is repairing the mimeograph machine; yet, who will deny that a well-working mimeograph is as essential as correct doctrine to the effective operation of a social movement? Thus, both the bureaucrat and the enthusiast supply a movement with vital components. Each by himself works badly; left alone, the bureaucrat simply goes in concentric circles around his precious organization, while the enthusiast rushes unbridled from one ideological orgasm to another. Consequently, a healthy vital social movement needs both, and profits from their complementary assets. True, there will always be conflict, for to the bureaucrat, the enthusiast "impatient," "emotional," "dogmatic," "sanctimonious" will always ipso facto remain a threat to the organization; and to the enthusiast, the bureaucrat -"timid," "opportunistic," "cynical," "manipulative" will always seem indifferent to, if not subversive of, the very ideals and values from which the enthusiast draws his inspiration. But this conflict, inevitable as it is, is by no means a mere disruptive influence; on the contrary, it is a life-giving dialectical process in which each force counters the weaknesses of the other and from which a movement can emerge with both dynamism and stability. 43This conflict between the "possibilists" and the "impossibilists" has been endemic in socialist movements; see Sturmthal, op. cit., passim; as well as in religious organizations; see Knox, op. cit., passim. 260 This content downloaded from 207.46.13.166 on Thu, 07 Jul 2016 04:24:34 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms THE BUREAUCRAT AND THE ENTHUSIAST The history of social movements is the history of this conflict. On the one hand, we find groups, such as the German Social Democratic party of 1900-1914, or the American Federation of Labor of 1900-1937, which have been stricken with bureaucratic paralysis and have lost all power to move. On the other, we see those movements, such as the French Socialist party of our era, or the Puritan left of Cromwell's time, which disintegrated, or are in the process of disintegrating from the unchecked centrifugal force of enthusiasm triumphant. These are the extremes, for we can also find organizations which have moved on from generation to generation, expanding their horizons as they go, because they have attained a proper balance between these two forces. How this balance is struck is the subject of another analysis; suffice it here to conclude that the struggle between bureaucratism and enthusiasm is part of a larger canvas on which similar battles, between security and freedom, realism and idealism, means and ends, passion and perspective, are waged, and in which the outcome is likewise determined by the extent to which factors which are logically irreconcilable are reconciled.44 44 "Passion and perspective" are the criteria submitted as central to political analysis by Max Weber in his "Politics as a Vocation," in Gerth and Mills, op. cit. 261 This content downloaded from 207.46.13.166 on Thu, 07 Jul 2016 04:24:34 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

The present period in the development of society is characterized by a further weakening of the influence of religious ideology upon the public mind and an acceleration of the process of secularization of governmental and societal relationships. At the same time, in many capitalist countries as well as countries liberated from colonial dependence, religion and religious organizations continue to retain very firm positions and exercise a considerable influence upon the shaping of social relations and the content of legal systems. In a number of countries, religion, its canons, and dogmas are the principal source of law. The clerical movement also exercises a serious influence on the character of norms of public law in capitalist countries.

so-called secret society has been one of the most fascinating. Even as most of the examples have disappeared or been radically transformed, articles and books continue to raise questions about the significance of this primitive behavior for an understanding of man at every level of cultural complexity. What does the widespread (but not universal) occurrence of these closed groups among primitive peoples tell us about the social and intellectual nature of man?

The actual fact which serves as the basic premise for studies in the field of religion is self-evident: religious survivals are preserved in our society. This means that there are people — quite a few people — on whose views, feelings, and behavior a belief in God is a marked influence. Thus, religion, the church, and various religious organizations are objective phenomena in our life, and therefore study of the problems connected with them has great scientific and practical significance. We are speaking in the first instance of the peculiarities of the process of the falling away of the masses from religion, of the reasons for the vitality of religious survivals, of the nature of the influence on people of belief in God, of the content of contemporary religious preaching, etc.

* I wish to acknowledge the support I received from the Foreign Area Fellowship Program and the National Science Foundation (Doctoral dissertation research in political science, grant no. G.S. 1210), which made it possible to collect the data for this study. I wish also to acknowledge the support of the Center for International Studies of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, which provided the funds for data analysis and published an earlier version of this paper. 1 Louis Wirth, "Urbanism as a Way of Life," American Journal of Sociology 44 (July 1938): 1-25. As examples of contemporary writings, see Immanuel Wallerstein, "Ethnicity and National Integration," Cahiers d'etudes africaines 1 (1960): 129-39; and William B. Schwab, "Oshogbo-an Urban Community?" in Urbanization and Migration in West Africa, ed. Hilda Kuper (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1965), pp. 85-109. 2 Thus, Banton states: "Some understanding of the emergence and spread of new norms may be gained from the study of new institutions. Voluntary associations are of particular interest in this respect, for the new norms are frequently rendered explicit in the association's constitution or activities, and are taught to novices as the distinguishing characteristic of the organization." This quotation appears in Michael F. Banton, A West African City: A Study of Tribal Life in Freetown (London: Oxford University Press, 1957), p. 5. See also Michael Banton, "Adaptation and Immigration in the Social System of Temne Immigrants in Freetown," in Social Change: The Colonial Situation, ed. Immanuel Wallerstein (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1966), pp. 402-19; Kenneth Little, "The Organization of Voluntary Associations in West Africa," Civilisations 9 (1959): 283-97; Kenneth Little, West African Urbanization: A Study of Voluntary Associations in Social Change (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1965); Philip Mayer, Townsmen or Tribesmen (Capetown: Oxford University Press, 1961); and Philip Mayer, "Some Forms of Religious Organization among Africans in a South African City," in Urbanization in African Social Change: Proceedings of the Inaugural Seminar Held in the Centre of African Studies, University of Edinburgh, ed. Kenneth Little (Edinburgh: Centre of African Studies, 1963), pp. 113-26.

This article is a critique Mr. K. Morioka's article “The Extended Family Group of the Honganji Temple of the Shinshu Sect at the End of Mediaeval Period” which appeared in No. 9 and 10 of this review. His article has value in that it raises fresh problems concerning unexplored areas of religious organization.However, his method is insufficient for the analysis of a special group such as a religious body which has its 'unique doctrines, rituals and history. While he correctly regards the “ikkeshu” group as a combination of religious authority and blood relationship, he gives no explanation of its establishment. In other words, he merely analogizes it to the extended family organization of the mediaeval age. From his point of view, “ikkeshu” is simply regarded as one type of extended family organization.In the religious organization of “Shinshu” sect, however, a combination of religious authority and blood relationship existed at the doctrinal level prior to the establishment of “ikkeshu”. And “ikkeshu” was organized on the basis of this ideal pattern. Therefore, for the full understanding of “ikkeshu”, it must be considered from the point of the conditions and historical processes which had supported this ideal pattern.This problem is important not only for the understanding of “ikkeshu”, but to the understanding of the groups as historically constituted. To analogize one group to another by arbitrarily restricting it in the analysis to that from which it had at one particular historical epoch and then analogizing it upon that basis to another form of organization which existed in that epoch may had to “la methode monographique” which was criticized by Durkheim and Cuvilier.Extended family organization in the religious sect is not a simple extension or “one type” of family, but a unique structured group which has absorbed blood relationship into the religious authority. Understanding of this structure must proceed from a consideration of its inner conditions and historical processes. Thus, Mr. Morioka's methodology may be deficient if it is not strengthened by “la methode comparative historique” which unites “la methode comparative” and history.

In recent years there has been a perceptible improvement in atheistic indoctrination — an important element in the formation of the scientific-materialist world view of young people. Popular works have been published to disseminate the findings of teachers specializing in atheistic indoctrination. To a large extent, the very existence of religion depends on the quality and the results of the atheistic indoctrination of the younger generation. But in order for the atheistic indoctrination of the younger generation to be conducted actively and effectively, it is essential to have a good understanding of the sources of religiosity on the part of young people, of the channels by which religious influence penetrates their environment, and of the circumstances inspiring religiosity in individual young people.

On October 1, 1963, two major Protestant denominations were consolidated and incorporated under the laws of the state of Ohio. That consolidation was a unique one in the annals of American church union in that it brought together for the first time two major Protestant denominations with quite divergent historic, cultural, theological, and organizational backgrounds: the Congregational Christian Churches and the Evangelical and Reformed Church.1 The union of these two religious bodies in Ohio followed by five years the consolidation of the two denominations at the national level. The General Council of the Congregational-Christian Churches and the General Synod of the Evangelical and Reformed Church were legally consolidated and incorporated under the laws of the state of New York in July of 1957. The consolidation was quite different from the vast majority of denominational mergers in the United States which have brought together religious organizations with similar theological beliefs and organizational structures, e.g., the Methodist and Evangelical United Brethren Churches. While this consolidation officially united the two denomina tions, insofar as the Congregational-Christian Churches were con cerned it was binding only at the national level. The autonomous nature of the local congregations in Congregationalism necessitated a vote on the consolidation by every local church. A 75-per cent majority vote was deemed necessary before the consolidation could become effective. By contrast, the local congregations of the Evangelical and Reformed Church were included in the consolidation by the General Synod (the national governing body) of that denomination. Moreover, the consolidation of these two denomina tions at the national level did not superimpose mandatory procedures by which new state and local denominational structures could be organized. This fact meant that nearly every major judicatory of the two separate denominations in the country had to develop new organizational and institutional forms with few generally accepted guidelines. In sections of the country where one denomination or the other had an overwhelming majority (as in Massachusetts, where there were over 500 Congregational Christian churches and fewer 43

Interest in the nature of the socio-political and ceremonial life of prehistoric inhabitants in recent years has resulted in an exchange of information between archaeologists and ethnologists. This paper is an initial effort to furnish a list of the kinds of social units to be found among Southwestern groups in the ethnographic present. It is hoped that this list will stimulate further discussion, bring about greater exchange of information, and result in a better understanding of the nature of prehistoric and ethnographic socio-political and ceremonial units in the American Southwest. A NUMBER of recent publications have /71, either stressed the need for a systematic search for evidence of social and religious organizations in the societies represented in archaeological sites or have actually inferred the nature of social units from settlement patterns, size of dwellings, ceremonial structure, demographic features, and the like (Bluhm 1960; Change 1958; Haury 1956; Martin and Rinaldo 1950; Martin and others 1962; Reed 1956; Sears 1961; Steward 1937, 1938). To further such research it appears useful to delineate for one geographical area, the Southwestern United States, a summary list of the present or recent types of social, political, and ceremonial organizations reported in the ethnographic literature for the area. Even with a living people it is difficult to pin down social units by reference to either geographical or architectural features, and the task of identifying social units in archaeological sites is, of course, enormously greater. We have, therefore, whenever poissible, noted the factor of spatial localization or nonlocalization of social units, and if localized, whether such units can be identified with reference to architectural features. We have also indicated the relationships of large structures, such as kivas, and moiety, lineage, and association houses with existing types of social and ceremonial units. The deep-rooted nature of Southwestern socio-political and ceremonial organizations is recognized by all Southwestern scholars, and such relationships as we may find between these units and architectural features, settlement patterns, and the like in the contemporary indigenous populations very likely are the persistences of past associations. Cause and effect relationships which are involved in the development of the various kinds of social units and the ways in which they are integrated in specific societies is another intriguing problem. The investigation of such relationships will lead to an analysis of ecological and cultural factors and will have to take into consideration matters of isolation and external pressures, both environmental and human, that impinge on Southwestern Pueblo societies. It is tempting to try to do this here, but this is a problem for another paper. The task we have assigned ourselves is simply the delineation of Southwestern socio-political and ceremonial units to serve as a check list for the identification of such units in archaeological sites. The area encompassed under the term Southwest in this paper is essentially restricted to the Indian groups in New Mexico and Arizona, although a number of the Shoshonean groups described by Steward (1938) have also been included. California groups and societies south of the border are excluded. This is simply for the sake of convenience; if this outline is found useful, it may be expanded to include other groups and thereby reveal the nature of social and ceremonial units not found in the ones

Shortly after the turn of the century Ernst Troeltsch joined Max Weber in examining the history of religious organizations from the point of view of the newly evolving discipline of sociology. Of the contributions Troeltsch made in his monumental study, The Social Teaching of the Christian Churches, the one which has proved most stimulating when applied to American church history was his differentiation of sect-type from church-type religious organization. In 1929, H. Richard Niebuhr in his Social Sources of Denoniinationalisrn elaborated Troeltsch's ideas, especially as they related to American developments, suggesting that in the American environment the denomination occupied a midway position between church and sect. While Troeltsch hints at the tendency of the sect to acquire churchly characteristics in time, Niebuhr spells out the steps in the process of transformation from sect to denomination which he sees as following inevitably, arguing that each generation's sects must become denominations in the next generation. These in turn leave behind a new group of disinherited whose needs are unmet and from which spring the next sect movement.

The problem of modern missions resolves itself in terms of conflicting mores, for the missionary is not merely an exponent and emissary of some great religious organization. He is pre-eminently a product of his own culture group, and his mental synthesis accordingly reflects the dominant moral and aesthetic beliefs and practices of the civilization he represents, as well as the creeds and ideals of the faith of his fathers. Suddenly, as if in a dream, he is dropped into a new and strange order of things. He sees heavily veiled Moslem ladies seated on cushions smoking narghiles and clothed in heavy layers of long garments that look like bundles of bedclothes. Or if perchance he is landed in the Dutch East Indies, he sees them stripped to the waist, wearing nothing but single short skirts and light headdresses. These people, too, have their folkways, their mores and tribal lore. The mind of the native is not a nature-abhorred vacuum seeking to be filled with a new message, a strange new system of ideas, beliefs, and values. It, too, is a synthesis which reflects the dominant moral and aesthetic ways of his ancestors. At first there is much novelty to excite the interest and stimulate the curiosity of the missionary. Now and then there is profound disgust intermingled with his varied reactions, and as the fascination of novelty presently wears away, a positive feeling of revulsion gains ascendancy. The end of the first year finds him thoroughly disillusioned and extremely pessimistic. This is the critical period of his experience, and either he breaks under the strain and goes back home or else he finds himself interested in the human aspect of the situa

S THE Christian church opposed to war? Is it a force for peace? Many would immediately respond in the affirmative. Is not Jesus traditionally the "Prince of Peace"? Does not the ethic he preached include "Resist not," and the injunctions to turn the other cheek and to forgive even to seventy times seven? True, the injunctions of the Sermon on the Mount are capable of convenient interpretation to make way for common personal and business practices; but the very genius of Christianity, the brotherhood of God's children, it is generally assumed, is quite opposed to the unbrotherliness of war. Not alone in view of Christian principles would there be an affirmative answer. Did not 62 per cent of almost twenty thousand clergymen responding to a recent questionnaire declare their belief that the church should go on record as refusing to sanction or support any future war, while 54 per cent declared that in any case they themselves would refuse to participate? One's mind runs back over the numerous post-war declarations of religious conferences (of which one assiduous student has collected 239) in behalf of peace, of education for peace, of disarmament, of the League or a league of nations, of outlawry, of arbitration, of the Kellogg Pact, and the resolutions condemning war in such terms as "inglorious, ineffective, wasteful, and unchristian," "a colossal and ruinous sin." One thinks of the annual Armistice Day message of the Federal Council of Churches and of the thousands of sermons on the theme-It must not be again. The host of religious organizations working for peace comes to mind: The Church Peace Union, The World Alliance for International Friendship through the Churches, The Women's Church Committee on International Good-Will, The Catholic Association for International Peace, The Committee on International Jus

Representing a typical example of the class school of bourgeois society, the system of education of France has the characteristic feature that side-by-side with state schools exist also private schools, a substantial portion of which belong to religious organizations. The system is composed of schools of the first and second stage.

This paper examines one aspect of sect-to-church transition in a major Protestant denomination. Very early in the use of the concepts sect and church as ideal types of religious organizations, Troeltsch (1960) maintained that sects might be in transition toward organizations of churchly character. Pope (1942) found that surviving sects move increasingly toward the church-type, and Becker (1961) attempted to conceptualize the intermediary sect-church organization as a denomination. Weber (1947), among others, used the Baptists as an illustration of a sect group. Most contemporary observers of the United States, however, would suggest that Baptist groups are in varying degrees well on the road to denominational form. The American Baptist Convention is perhaps most "advanced" while Independent and Regular Baptists remain more sectarian. Somewhat intermediate is the Southern Baptist Convention. It is the largest single religious grouping within American Protestantism, composed of over 32,000 congregations with over 10 million members. The congregational autonomy of Southern Baptists results in a great deal of diversity in which particular congregations may be sectarian in character while others are very churchly. Overall, most observers would concede that the Convention has moved considerably away from sectarianism. The Southern Baptists were originally confined to the 15 southern states. Migration out of the South prior, during, and after World War II presented a significant problem to denominational officials. Not content with this loss of members and perhaps desiring to increase the geographical limits of the denomination, the Convention established a "Pioneer Mission" to follow this migration. As a result of this Mission, hundreds of small religious groups have subsequently been established in the North and West. The Mission has had important implications for the movement of the Convention from sect to church. While the launching of the Mission was a "denominational" decision, the Mission itself was seen by some as a means of maintaining sectarian exclusiveness-to retain members who had migrated and, by this, to keep them from moving into other religious groups, Baptist or otherwise. On the other hand, the Mission

Inh recent article Dennis (1) concluded, that the Draw-A-Man Test is a valid instrument in reflecting religious values. Dennis theorized that if per-sons who dedicate their lives to piety and religious service can be considered to possess strong religious values, it would follow that these highly religious persons should include religious content in their drawings. Dennis collected drawings from 100 nuns (predominantly Roman Catholic) in Lebanon and found that 74 per cent of the nuns inclted religious symbols in their draw-ings. WThile Dennis' data seem rather clear-cut, the present authors argue that his interpretations must be qualified, for two reasons. First, Dennis' sample of nuns represents a highly selected and socially secluded group. Second, there is no evidence that these findings can be generalized to the many nonprofes-sional religious persons who also hold religious values as central. The pres-ent authors felt that a better test of Dennis' hypothesis concerning the ability of the DAP to reflect religious values would require that drawings be col-lected from highly religious adults who, nevertheless, are integrated into the mainstream of the secular world. The purpose of this study, therefore, was to determine whether individu-als with varying degrees of involvement in religious life represent this value in their drawings, as Dennis suggests. If the drawings show concern with re-ligious people, symbols, activities, and places, then the power of the Draw-A-Person technique to demonstrate religious values would be supported more substantially than in the Dennis article.

demonstrations by college students and others at hearings of the House UnAmerican Activities Committee (HUAC) in San Francisco during May 1960 were Communist inspired and led. Since its release two years ago, over 1,300 prints of the film (at $100 each) have been purchased outright in addition to widespread rental of prints for single showings (4). Corporations, colleges, women's clubs, fraternal groups, and religious organizations, among others, have presented the film to countless thousands, and then, depending on their motives in exhibiting it, commended or condemned its creators. Supporters maintain that the film fairly and accurately describes the manner in which well-meaning Americans can fall prey to Communist wiles. Detractors claim it is a travesty of doctored filmstrips, a fairy-tale narrative, and a gross injustice on the part of the producer, if not of the Committee itself for releasing it. The controversy continues, and indeed has become more intense. In January of 1962, the House Un-American Activities Committee issued a point-by-point reply to 28 charges against the film, concluding that ". .. the Communist Party, in typical fashion, has efficiently capitalized on the considerable number of

Within the development of the studies of religion by the social sciences, a place ought to be given to a scientific approach to the administrative aspect of religious organizations. Yet this is an aspect of the Catholic Church to which very little attention has been paid so far; various lawyers and historians have underlined its importance. An approach from the point of view of the administrative science would make it possible to give the necessary importance to the methods of management and to the administrative proceedings. It would then be possible to envisage the social reality of an institution as an 'administra tive fact'. But this is only feasible if the starting point is a pluridisci plinary approach which would transform the administrative science into a science of synthesis (law, ethics, sociology, social psychology, political science). The study of the functioning of religious organizations and its repercus sion on their internal functions offers great scientific possibilities, especially at a time when the Catholic Church is passing through profound changes. In order to do this, it is necessary to create some adequate concepts which cannot be the same as those used for the study of other institutions. Some steps in this direction have been undertaken both at the level of the universal Church, as well as the diocesan level. The scientific and practical results of the development of such studies can be of great importance. This, for instance, would allow one to situate the Church's efforts for adaptation and reorganization within an appropriate theore tical framework.