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The 33 Negro public colleges enroll about one-fourth of all the black students now attending colleges and universities in this country. Although the total enrollment of these schools increased by more than 12 per cent this year alone, eight of them experienced a decline in enrollment and five others gained fewer than 100 students. Fourteen schools have direct competition from predominately white state institutions located in the same cities and towns, and at least three others are within easy commuting distance of a white college. These provide a vivid illustration of the inequities built into the "separate-but-equal" doctrine. In almost every case, the black school was there first; in at least seven instances, the state has created the "white competition" in the past four or five years. In every situation, the schools duplicate some courses and draw funds from the same public treasury. They represent a costly perpetuation of the dual system of higher education. Ultimately, the real test of a state's commitment to equality of opportunity in higher education will be measured by the extent to which black students, faculty, administrators, and trustees are represented in the colleges and universities. (Author/JM)

Little has been compiled relating to research on the 300 Southern, rural majority-black public school districts. The question of how to desegregate these districts has been as difficult to answer as it has been in the big cities. For several years the Federal government has applied a different set of standards for desegregation compliance, but now the majority-black districts must technically meet the same desegregation standards to continue receiving Federal funds. The statistical tables and analysis in this report identify which districts are actually majority-black. On-the-spot reports from seven representative school districts reveal data about the history and economics of the areas, as well as attitudes of both blacks and whites on state and community levels as to the future of the public schools. [Part of the statistical appendix (p.56) will not reproduce clearly in hard copy because of the size of the print.] (Author/DM)

School desegregation has once more become an explosive national issue. Whether or not Title IV of the 1964 Civil Rights Act can be a means for the establishment of equal educational opportunity in the nation's public schools remains academic; presently, it is simply an instrument of the Nixon Administration's evolving policy on desegregation. For almost five years after the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, the Division of Equal Educational Opportunities (DEEO) worked in relative obscurity cooperating with school systems seeking help in the transition from segregation to equality. In the spring of 1969, the Federal courts began to call on DEEO experts to prepare desegregation plans for school districts under court orders. Since then, the technical assistance aspects of Title IV of the Civil Rights Act have been overshadowed or blocked by the lack of clear desegregation policies in the Administration, the Congress, and the Federal courts. Whether this is attributable to a retreat by the Nixon Administration from the goal of total desegregation or to a combination of circumstances more coincidental than deliberate, the net effect is that no clear Federal policy is discernible. (JM)

In order to collect information on teacher displacement, the Race Relations Information Center surveyed white and black teachers and principals, teacher association executives, attorneys, civil rights and community leaders, state and federal officials, and journalists in 11 Southern states; the survey was conducted largely by phone. Several tentative general conclusions emerge. The number of black teachers being hired to fill vacancies or new positions is declining in proportion to the number of whites hired. Nonhiring is a form of displacement as serious as dismissal and demotion. Displacement is more widespread in small towns and rural areas than in metropolitan centers; in sections with a medium-to-heavy concentration of black citizens than in predominately white areas; and in the Deep South than in the Upper South. Finally, demotion of black principals and teachers is more prevalent than outright dismissal. The irony of displacement is that it has followed compliance with Federal laws designed to end discrimination. In the South in recent years, displacement of black professionals, and the diminishing of positions, pay, and prestige have accompanied each newly desegregated school despite legal decisions, the "equal protection" clause of the Fourteenth Amendment, and HEW guidelines. (Author/JM)

On December 19, 1966, the General Assembly of the United Nations adopted a resolution dealing with racial discrimination and public policy sponsored by the United Nations Institute for Training and Research (UNITAR). The title of this resolution was "Guidelines for a Study of the Effectiveness of Policies and Measures Against Racial Discrimination." This study was to be done in several nations, and the Institute of Race Relations at the University of Denver was assigned by UNITAR the task of research in the U.S. This study will necessitate a monumental undertaking involving conceptualization, theory, and research. The purposes of this book are therefore rather limited and are to be taken as preliminary or exploratory: (1) to develop a theoretical perspective on the nature of discrimination and racial discrimination in particular; (2) to clarify the relationship of racial discrimination to such other concepts as racism, prejudice, and segregation; (3) to summarize the patterns of racial discrimination against black Americans from 1619 to World War II; (4) to attempt to ascertain the extent to change in the patterns of racial discrimination and inequality between World War II and the present; (5) to attempt to ascertain what factors have produced these changes; and, (6) to itemize areas and problems for further research. (Author/JM)

This edition of this select bibliography has been compiled on the basis of interest, point of view, and usefulness to the reader. The subject division of the contents (determined according to reader usefulness) includes bibliographies listing: education and family; adjustment and integration; area studies; associations, organizations, and pressure groups; communication media; community relations; crime and delinquency; discrimination; economic studies; education; employment; facts and figures; family; health; housing; immigrant communities; immigration and emigration; immigration; local government policy and planning; overseas students; personality and attitudes; police; population studies; race and politics; race relations; religion and race; riots and racial violence; social and welfare services; and young people. Appendixes list periodicals and fiction, personal narratives, etc. The chronological baseline is 1950, with a few exceptions. The relevance of an item is indicated through fuller collation and an occasional note. (JM)