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This article examines problems besetting a social scientist in accepting that the function of social sciences is to study social situations involving a conflict of norms and to state the results of these studies so that they can be used by the people to resolve these conflicts. If fact-finding in the social sciences is for the sake of the furtherance of social harmony, then at least it would seem that those who limit themselves to the accumulation of a certain array of facts ought to choose their subject-matter on the basis of possible relevance to this end. Here however the situation is perhaps not unlike that in the physical sciences. There are those who investigate a problem because they are stimulated by concern with some social end to which the problem seems relevant, and there are also those who explore the problem for its own sake without reference to any ulterior end, simply because they are interested. There are a good many social scientists who are committed to serving the "general welfare"; even these, however, would not commit themselves primarily to the elimination of social conflict unless they believed that this was the most significant way in which they as social scientists could render a service to the community.

The article focuses on the present condition of social sciences in the U.S. The most concerning thing, so far as the social sciences are concerned, is that the deplorable situation in the world seems to be the result of the inability of men to make a mutually satisfactory arrangement for living together. On the other hand, there has been in the social sciences a tendency to follow the methods of the physical sciences, so far as they can be adapted to the social sciences, in the hope of making exact what has heretofore been stated only in more or less vague generalities. Social scientists undoubtedly had much to learn from the physical sciences in the way of methods of study and teaching. Knowledge in the social sciences is undoubtedly much more exact today and much more systematic than it was one hundred years ago. There is one specific way in which teachers in the social sciences can be of help in this present troubled situation; they can encourage their most intelligent students to take an active part in public life in one way or another.

The article discusses technology as action and science. Since technology considered as action is a complex of different components, in other words, of many functions, it extends from a strictly technical sphere into a realm of social relations. The science of technology as a complex of knowledges underlying manifold technological activities is heterogeneous or, rather, should be such, but its social component has not yet been sufficiently recognized and developed. Technological education is, with a few exceptions, likewise under a spell of traditional tenets which recognize physical science as the sole factor in shaping its foundations. Living realities call for a widening of the field of technological science in accordance with the criterion set up by a complex of technological functions. Through technological applications, physical science is given additional social significance and recognition while more practical weight is eventually imparted to social science. Also a stronger demand for more exact methods can hardly fail to affect social sciences as they are attracted and to an extent drawn into the field of technology.

This article focuses on the perennial farm problem. People sought means of reducing farm production so that prices to farmers would not break irreparably. Once again the expertness in the physical and biological sciences was unmatched by skill in social science. Unless due provision is made for it by social and economic adjustments, technology complicates production, living conditions, distribution, trade, employment and prices. It gives people new machines, improved plants, better animals, advanced processes. The first Commissioner of Agriculture, Isaac Newton, said that agricultural science must enable the farmer to grow two blades of grass where one grew before. Agricultural science did this and more. In 1938, for instance, a survey was made of a hundred farm families in the southeast, all in low-income groups. Pellagra, rickets, and tueberculosis, diseases usually associated with faulty nutrition, were especially prevalent. At that time at least 700,000 farm families were trying to subsist on annual cash incomes of $300 each, and half of those who failed to meet their financial obligations were undernourished or ill.

To sum up briefly: Firstly, the laws we invent are generalizations covering a vast number of data, not the laws of command which strict determinism suggests. If we find analogies in social laws it is because we must work on statistically derived means of behavior, rather than on the seemingly exclusive categories—like cause and effect—of the physical sciences. Secondly, the search for ultimate causes is as meaningless as the limiting of geography to examine one cause among many. Each circumstance must be set against the historical frame of reference wherein its origin lies, and it is in that context that the geographer will most nearly approach the solution of causes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discusses the historical geography of the U.S. Notion of physical geography embodied in the recommendations; Evidence of disagreement about physical geography; Definitions of geography in the twentieth century.

Explains the difference of the physical principles between air temperatures over land and over sea. Implications of the principles for the distribution of air temperature in the coastal zones on land; Profiles of means of observed temperature drawn inland from the coast at three places in the U.S.; Function of horizontal distance from the coast.

Explores microgeography in a piece of land in northern Illinois. Inclusion of microgeography and illustrations; Involvement of the interlocking of human life over the whole earth in problems of the time; Observation of establishments from a geographic point of view.

A descriptive classification of cross-stratified units is proposed based on six objective criteria, and diagnoses are given for fifteen distinct kinds of cross-stratified unit recognised with their aid. The origin of each kind is discussed in the light of existing observational, experimental, and theoretical studies. A three-fold genetic classification of cross-stratified units is tentatively outlined in which apparent origin and physical properties are closely correlated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focuses on the nature of historical geography and its problems. Neglect of historical geography; Peculiarity of American geographical tradition; Three-point underpinning for geography.

Presents abstracts of research papers and speeches on geographic study. Erosion cycle in a rugged mountain region and changes in settlement patterns at the eastern Canadian Arctic; Contributions of U.S. scientists to the geographic knowledge of the Central Pacific; Establishment of a unique climatic study.

Examines the coinage of new terms in geography. Issue on whether one should make some similar brand new term every time a person gets a new idea in geography; Specialists in different sciences differing greatly in the freedom with which they can successfully coin new terms; Need for the object of the language to be understood.

Explores the physiographic divisions of the U.S. Explanations concerning the need of natural divisions; Details of the work of the Association of American Geographers; Account of the designation by professor W. M. Davis of dominant factors in topography.

Possible ways of arranging base pairs which are compatible with the primary structure of 5 S ENA from Escherichia coil and KB cells are discussed, If only A·U and G·C base pairs are allowed, the maximum helical content of clover leaf models with up to four leaves is 68%. In multihelical models with helical regions consisting of a minimum of four base pairs the maximum helical content is 60%. With helical regions consisting of three base pairs, at least some of which are A.U base pairs, the helical content can be raised to 73%. It is unlikely that higher helical contents are possible unless shorter helices are included, The structures with a given helical content are never unique so that if the secondary structure of 5S RNA is unique there must be other factors in operation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents information on the rules for the nomenclature of steroids. The rules of steroid nomenclature originate from a discussion held at the Chemical Industry in Basle Foundation in London, England, in 1950 among the representatives of many schools. In 1960, a group of specialists under the chairmanship of scientist T. Reichstein, including representatives of the International Union of Pure & Applied Chemistry Commissions of the Nomenclature of Organic Chemistry and of Biochemical Nomenclature, met in Basle, Switzerland, for discussions of amendments and additions to the rules. The present rule include all the original rules, mostly renumbered along with additions and amendments arising from the Basle Proposals or from current practice in the literature.

Focuses on the ideal of physical sciences regarding simplicity and objectivity of proof. Emulation of the methods of physical scientist; Consideration of the methods recognizing the difficulties in making acurate observations; Accounts on the thrust of individual transference-countertransference situations; Inseparability of the analyst's personality and orientation from the analytical process.

Presents the abstract of a study regarding a geographical intelligence document.

Describes the abstract of a study on the geography of the southwest of England.