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Although historians have frequently asserted that American theatre audiences, managers, and critics were prejudiced against native drama during the early nineteenth century, these assertions have often been inadequately supported. A reappraisal of contemporary sources suggests that prejudice began to develop about 1800 and reached its peak just prior to the War of 1812. After the war this prejudice gradually subsided.

After examining the inadequately low enrollment of American Indians in studies leading to degrees in Engineering and Engineering Technology, this paper attempts to discuss the reasons for this shortage. It also suggests methods to encourage, motivate, and enable Native American youth to start meaningful studies in these fields. However, to succeed with these methods, a constructive input must come from within the Indians. The writers emphasize the necessity of an early start in motivating the students to take the needed subjects in their secondary education. Orientation lectures should inform them, for instance, what is expected from an engineering or technology student at a university and what engineering work involves. Information obtained by field trips, moving demonstration units, science clubs, etc., should supplement these lectures. It is also necessary that reservation teachers and counselors be involved in the orientation program. Training programs in nearby universities could supplement their background in the nature of engineering as well as in teaching science and mathematics with special reference to technical applications. The implementation of the whole program, including the demonstration units, teachers' programs, tutorials, etc., would require a considerable amount of funds. The establishment of a suitable position for the coordination of all the pertinent activities is definitely needed along with the support of the program by professional organizations as well as by the Indians.

In 1967 and the years following, many Sioux were beginning to question that assimilation into various social strata of Anglo American society was inevitable, and there was a tendency toward identification with the Sioux "tribal heritage." This tribalistic movement, the local expression of a general movement among Native Americans in Canada and the United States, appears to be having a profound effect on the values of the Sioux. It represents a cultural trend that could slow down or halt indefinitely certain aspects of the assimilation process and bring about the Native American dream of maintaining some kind of permanent, separate tribal existence within Anglo American society. This paper attempts to single out some of the major value themes and goals of the movement as these have been expressed by the Sioux, primarily young leaders of the movement.

The pistol case-bearer, Coleophora malivorella Riley (LEPIDOPTERA, COLEOPHORIDAE), is a native American insect which was described by Riley (1878). Gould (1931) recorded its range as extending from Virginia to Kansas and northward to Canada. Thorough reports on its life history have been given by Gould (1931 and 1936) and by Steiner and Worthley (1941).

Archaeological developments in the zone extending from Mesoamerica to the Andes are summarized in terms of the following topics: early man, the origins of agriculture, the interrelationships of the Nuclear American cultures, the ethnic identification of archaeological complexes, horizonal and tradition formulations, the place of Nuclear America in the hemisphere, relationships between the New World and the Old World, the rise of native American civilizations, and main trends since 1935. These trends include increasing chronological control, greater awareness of context, growing interest in culture process, and more clarity and precision in definitions.

A CONSIDERABLE confusion of terms reigns in ethnographic literature on the subject of the bath. The very name of this culture complex varies widely: sweat bath, steam bath, bath, sweat lodge, and sudatory are used, as well as others. Many authors have failed to distinguish between the direct fire sweat bath and the water vapor bath on the one hand, and between the plunge bath and the steam bath on the other hand. There are also such substantial variations as the ablution bath, the dry hot air bath, the cold water bath, and the hot water bath, which have escaped the notice of investigators. Also not much attention has been paid to the purpose of the bathers. Thus, only some types of bath pursue cleanliness of the body, immersion and the ablution bath belonging here. Other types do not take this objective into consideration at all; on the contrary, they contribute a great deal to the unclean condition of the body previously existing. Examples are the direct fire bath and the sweat lodge, which as a rule are not followed by ablution. There are also some types of bath the purpose of which is pleasurable sensation. Still other types are used with a religious aim, for esoteric rites, for medicinal treatment, or simply for social getting together, the cleanliness of the body, if any, being achieved only as a by-product.

The Alabama Anthropological Society was organized May 13, 1909, after Thomas M. Owen (ADAH founder director 1901-1920), Peter A. Brannon (ADAH director 1955-1967), and Henry S. Halbert decided that an organization was needed for the promotion of the study of anthropology in Alabama. From its formation in 1909 and through the 1920s the group sponsored meetings to exchange information and ideas, as well as excursions in which the members excavated Native American artifacts.

The Mayas of Yucatan and Guatemala form the native American group which has left the most extensive records of its literature and history. For almost two thousand years, their area of influence extended over most of Yucatan, Chiapas, and Guatemala, and parts of Honduras and Salvador. Thus these documents have a real value in reconstructing the life of an important cultural region of the world.

THE Pueblo Indians are a group of native American tribes living on the dry mesas of New Mexico and Arizona.They have had a long residence in the same area, perhaps fifteen hundred years, during which time their culture has taken on its characteristic features. Under the pressure of raids by neighboring nomadic tribes who were doubtless attracted by the promise of a rich booty in harvested grain and other foods, the Pueblos developed the form of dwelling which is still typical of them. The present structures, built from one to five stories high, terraced from front to back, should be thought of rather as reminders of habits learned in the distant past when protection from such enemy attack was the chief desideratum in village-building than simply as the survival of a cliff-dwelling stage. There was no single and exclusively cliff-dwelling period. In 1540 the Spanish explorers found these Indians living much as they live today. Hopi, Zuni, and the Rio Grande towns were already the centres of greatest concentration. The population has decreased from some 20,000 persons in seventy towns to 15,287 persons in twenty-five towns (1937), of which five have more than a thousand inhabitants each (Hopi, 3,948; Zuni, 2,080; Laguna, 2,332; Acoma, 1,137; Isleta, 1,137).2 We have to do then with a group of settled, agricultural Indians, living in an arid region, but capable of storing a year's supply of food. The resulting cohesion and integration of their manner of living has been a decisive factor in the development of their religion.

It is as accurate to say that Pocahontas "discovered" Britain as to claim that Cabrillo "discovered" California. The heritage of human experience in California goes back thousands of years before CabrilWs voyage in i$42, yet the people

The pecan weevil, Curculio caryae (Horn), a native American species and an important and often persistent pest of pecans, is considered a major insect pest in many pecan-growing States. Moreover, as annual production of pecans increases, weevil populations increase, and as management practices become more intensive, control becomes more difficult and more complex.

For some time now, and especially since events in other parts of the world 1have taken such a disastrous turn, I have wanted to give expression to some basic ideas concerning our native American culture. I hope that they are of deep interest not only to the readers of this admirable magazine, but also to the larger public beyond. Although they may be somewhat differently expressed, these basic ideas probably explain some of the motives behind the recent highly laudable increase of interest and activity in the entire field of Americana.

It has long been known that the seeds of very many plants germinate best, and some only, after being exposed for a more or less protracted period to near-freezing temperatures, under conditions otherwise favorable to germination. Kinzel in particular ('26 and earlier papers) has studied the behavior of a large number of European species in this respect, while similar investigations have been carried on in this country by Rose ('19), Coville ('20), Adams ('27), Crocker ('30), and others. In the main, however, these American investigations have been undertaken from the physiological point of view or from that of the nurseryman and, with the exception of the paper by Adams, the number of native species which have been worked with. is very small. In view of this latter fact, and since information of this sort may possess considerable ecological value, it has seemed worth while to investigate the influence which exposure to winter temperatures has upon seed germination in a considerable number of native American plants. More especially the investigation was undertaken with a view to finding out whether there was any marked correlation between germination behavior in this respect and the geographical distribution of the plants concerned.

IN AN article published in the Nineteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology in 1900, A. E. Jenks defined the wild rice district of the Upper Lakes and classified the tribes living within this area as wild rice gatherers. He also theorized that the high population density reported in the area northwest of Green Bay was based on the abundance of wild rice which grew there. Thus, Jenks' paper has stood for over half a century as an early example of an ecological study of native American groups, and has served as a guide for those ethnographers who later defined the cultural and ecological areas of native North America; notably, Kroeber (1939) and to a lesser extent, Wissler (1938; 1940). Since Jenks' publication, however, a great deal of historical material pertaining to the Great Lakes region has been made available. It will be the purpose of this paper to demonstrate that five of the Central Algonkin tribes included by Jenks in this area were not wild rice gatherers, and further, that the population concentration was not only very recent but was a result of (1) French trading activities in the area, and (2) the pressure exerted on these tribes by the westward thrust of the Iroquois. Wild rice was important to a much smaller segment of the population than Jenks supposed.2 The wild rice gathering Indians are listed by Jenks (1900:1038) as the Siouan speaking Dakota, Winnebago, and Assiniboin; and the Central Algonkin speaking Ojibwa, Menomini, Sauk, Fox, Ottawa, Potawatomi, Mascouten, and Kickapoo. It is well substantiated that the Santee Dakota, Winnebago, Menomini, and some of the Ottawa, Assiniboin, and Ojibwa were wild rice gathers. However, the evidence for the Sauk, Kickapoo, Fox, Mascouten, and Potawatomi indicates they were not wild rice gatherers.3 In referring to the Fox and Sauk, Jenks (1900:1050) says, "That they were producers of wild rice is unquestioned, but it is regretted that so little is known of them during the period when they must have depended largely upon the grain." He cites no references to support this statement. On the other hand, he makes it evident that the canoe is essential to a wild rice gathering economy (Jenks 1900:1061), but the Fox did not use the canoe as late as 1666 (Jesuit Relations Vol. 51:43; Vol. 54:223; Blair 1911a:20). Also, many sources mention the Fox's dependency upon the raising of Indian corn and hunting, but none of these mention wild rice (Jesuit Relations Vol. 51:43; Vol. 54:207, 223; Anonymous 1718:889). The Sauk used the canoe, so they cannot be discounted on this technicality. However, this may have been a very recent acquisition, since they are noted as being "very poor canoemen" (Blair 1911:303). The Sauk, like the Fox, grew Indian corn and hunted (Jesuit Relations Vol. 54:207).

A tree boa (Sanzania Madagascariensis) developed a fatal respiratory disease 3 months after importation from Madagascar. Twelve adult pentastomids, Armillifer brumpti Giglioli 1922, and numerous pentastomid ova were found in the lung and air sac. Chronic irritation of the lung by the parasite and a bacterial infection probably caused death. A literature search indicated that this is the first recorded observation of A. brumpti in the Americas, and that Armillifer species have not been found in native American snakes.

When a school administrator or examiner is faced with the problem of selecting a test to measure the mental ability of a group of children, many of whom have language handicaps, he desires evidence on at least two questions: (1) Compared with other tests, how much is the language factor of the :*st weighted? and (2) How well does the test correlate with other valid and reliable measures of intelligence ? The purpose of this article is twofold, to examine the results yielded by the Myers Mental Test to discover whether it tends to eliminate the effect of language differences1 to a greater degree than does a strictly verbal intelligence test, and to report correlations between the Myers Mental Measure and the McCall Multi-Mental Test and to compare these with the other findings on the validity of the Myers test. The results which follow are based upon test records of 327 children from homes of non-English-speaking immigrants and 278 children of native American parentage. The pupils in both groups were between eleven and twelve and a half years of age and were taken from the same seventeen public schools in the poorest dis tricts of a large eastern city. The writer had access to the complete test records for 2,456 pupils who entered the schools of this city in the kindergarten or first grade and who were, at the time of the testing, between the ages just mentioned.2 From this large sampling the two groups which form the basis of this study were selected. The 327 pupils represent a random sampling of all the children examined whose fathers and mothers were born abroad and speak some other language than English most of the time. The American Group of 278 is made up of a random sampling from the pupils examined whose parents were born in the United States and speak

IN THE DECADE from 1865 to 1875 the United States government located most of the Plains Indians on reservations. There was almost unanimous agreement among the whites that this was the native American's best hope of survival. Friends of the Indian outdid each other in praising the reservation as an incubator in which the evolution of the primitive tribesmen might be accelerated. Yet a quarter-century later there was ample evidence that the reservation had not done the job. What had gone wrong? Perhaps the concept had fundamental faults, but also it is true that the conditions considered necessary for success were rarely all present. One of these was isolation. There were two and a half centuries of ex

The primitive religious ideas of the American Indians. their ritual istic forms, their social function, and their chief practitioners are described in this article. The persistence of these ideas and the manner in which they affect the Indian's acceptance of the white man's ways are illustrated. Special attention is paid to the rise of the Peyote Cult and its development into the Native American Church, which appears to be a transitional institution ultimately leading to the acceptance of the white man's religion.—Ed.

KROEBER said in 1928, in his discussion of the gradual widening of the anthropologist's concept of the native American Southwest: "It is clear that if this larger Southwest is a true cultural entity, the old Pueblo or even Arizona-New Mexico Southwest is but a fragment, whose functioning is intelligible only in terms of the larger growth" (p. 376). This symposium deals with the Southwest essentially in the older and narrower sense only, that is, with its scientifically best known portion, but the inclusion of an introductory paper on the Greater Southwest shows the growing realization among workers in the field of what Kroeber said twenty-five years ago. My discussion will deal with the problem of whether the Greater Southwest is a true cultural entity or not. The opening paper of this symposium could have been presented either by an archeologist or by an ethnologist. The archeologist has the advantage of being familiar with several historic periods, and thus could discuss our problem in relation to various time levels. The ethnologist, though limited to a shorter time span, has other advantages in that he disposes of information on a wider range of cultural phenomena and their functional interrelationships and, if he focuses his interest on the time of first contact with Europeans, on a greater number of peoples-practically all that existed at that time. Information for that period, it is true, usually is very sketchy, but sufficient to enable us to see similarities and differences which point to the contemporaneous existence of regional cultures or culture areas. When judiciously supplemented by the so much richer data which modern field work has supplied for those individual cultures that are still alive today, a total picture emerges which the archeologist cannot hope to obtain for any preceding period. As a result, the ethnologist is more likely to think in terms of larger regions and regional cultures, and this may be the reason why an ethnologist and not an archeologist was asked to open this discussion. But while the ethnologist's data may offer the most convenient starting point for a classification of the native cultures of the Southwest, the archeologist will have to carry this study backward into earlier periods and back to the moment when the historically known regional cultures of the Greater Southwest first came into existence.

(1968). Religious Defenses (The Native American Church) Journal of Psychedelic Drugs: Vol. 1, Psychodelic Drugs and Religion, pp. 77-95.

This is a discussion of the law of exercise as found in a work of a forgotten American author whose major work has been described as “the first native American treatise on physiological psychology.”

In spite of the nativism that agitated the United States during the second quarter of the nineteenth century, the Catholic Church experienced a noticeable drift of native American converts from other denominations. Between 1841 and 1857 the increased number of converts included a significant sprinkling of Protestant ministers. The history of this movement, which had its paradigm in the Oxford Movement, will be treated more in detail elsewhere. The purpose of this essay is simply to recount the attempt by several converts to establish a religious congregation of men dedicated to the Catholic apostolate among native Americans.

smaller trading centers. The Blue Mountains lie diagonally across the area, with a large area of open, dry land on each side. The principal industries are farming (chiefly dry land for wheat and pea production but some intensive farming with irrigation), stock-raising, lumbering, mining, dairying, and the various necessary service vocations. In the main, the people are of native American stock of European ancestry, with the exception of Malheur County, which has a substantial number of Japanese. 'Historically, the area has developed like many other western American sections from early mining, stockraising, and lumbering to other established industries and concomitant oc

Although conservative opinion would consider the contended aboriginality of New World distilled liquors as yet undemonstrated, there is ample evidence of the wide distribution both in North and in South America of native undistilled alcoholic liquors, or beers and wines. Since the plant-substances of which these are made vary considerably, and since the usage of terms has sometimes been rather loose, we define these terms before discussing the distribution of the liquors themselves.

years ago there went around the campuses a no doubt apocryphal tale about a fraternity which had as a major "asset" a collection of term papers appropriate for submission to most of the college courses. As I recall the story, the brotherhood required that members provide the house "librarian" with copies of any themes awarded grades of B or better. Thus, each new generation of scholars might draw on the resources accumulated by those who came before them. One brother prepared an essay on "Native American Hunting Habits." He decorated his text with a cover onto which he had glued a picture of a buffalo. The paper was graded an A and it was duly placed in the fraternity archives. The following year another student found the paper suitable for his needs, retyped it, taped the buffalo to the first page, submitted it, and took his A. In the third year, another brother decided to use the paper, but finding the buffalo unappealing, elected to omit it. The professor wrote: "B. What happened to the buffalo?" Until recently, such undergraduate folkloreapocryphal or notwas likely to bring a resigned "boys will be boys" look to the face of most seasoned campus observers. The infelicitous story of Edward M. Kennedy's lamentable final examination in Spanish at Harvard needs no recitation here, and Newsweek tells us that "in the middle of his senior

Some of the problems of Americanization in our schools are caused by the learning difficulties of school pupils who come from homes where foreign languages are regularly used. Pupils from these homes fail to learn as rapidly as other pupils in the lower grades due to the language handicap. A study has been made recently of such a situation in Hett inger County, North Dakota. The purpose was to discover whether the children of immigrants, who attended the school there, began with an intellectual handicap or whether they had language difficulties simply due to the use of a foreign language regularly in their home environ ments.1 The records in Mott Elementary School indicated that the native American children were markedly superior to those of foreign stock in the marks received. That disturbing discovery led to the investigation reported here. Mental and achievement tests were used and the scores in the latter were compared with school marks. In all cases the pupils from foreign language speaking homes were compared with native Amer ican pupils in order to arrive at conclusions concerning the influence of the language factor. Another objective of the study was to in vestigate the foreign language speaking homes in order to understand their home problems better. A third purpose was to conduct an ex periment with children entering the first grade from both types of homes. Those from homes where English was not spoken were placed in a separate classroom with a teacher specially qualified to teach them. The intelligence test scores found at the beginning of the year were compared with those of first grade entrants of native American stock. At the close of the year other tests were given to compare the progress of the two groups.