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A study of the cause of fruit bruising on transport trucks showed that the damage occurs in the top layers of fruit in containers. The amount of bruising has a direct relation to the magnitude of vibration accelerations in the top levels of fruit. These accelerations, generated at the road surface, are transmitted to the fruit through the truck chassis, suspension system, and bed. The effectiveness of the suspension system determines the extent to which vibration accelerations are minimized before reaching the fruit. Accelerations may be as much as four times as great in the top layers as in the bottom layers of fruit. The characteristics of the fruit species and its position in the system determine the acceleration to which it is subjected. Susceptibility to transport bruising varies with type of fruit and variety. In respective order of susceptibility to transport bruising, fruits are (1) cling peaches, (2) round tomatoes, (3) pear-shaped tomatoes, (4) apricots, and (5) pears. Depth-of-bin studies showed an optimum depth of 24 inches; this is related to accelerations in the top layers of fruit and the per cent of total fruit in the bin that is free to move.

A Milwaukee Journal Reporter debunked the legend of McCarthy the war hero. He became a resource to be consulted by critics of the Wisconsin senator.

This paper emerged from the first stage of what is to be a three-stage multi-disciplinary research project examining work in the 'post-reform era '. The key foci of that research project are the organisation of work, the determination of wages, and the well-being of workers at the workplace level. It will examine how the nature of work varies across workplaces of different sizes and in different competitive environments. The present paper draws on the first stage of the research to share some of the problems experienced while attempting to study workplaces in New Zealand today. It draws on research in 19 Auckland workplaces and reveals serious definitional, theoretical, and methodological problems that are likely to constrain any such research in the present environment. In our case, the problems raised, and the solutions offered, have led to a fundamental rethink of the larger project's research objectives, strategies, and ways to operationalise concepts into empirical measures.

IF HISTORIANS of the American South prove as devoted to their penates as those of the American West, a considerable devotion ought to be laid before the reputation of C. Vann Woodward. Just as Frederick Jackson Turner pre-empted a generation of scholarship, Woodward is the only Southern historian of recent years to have come close to fashioning the discipline in his own image. His version of the Compromise of 1877, his conception of the Redeemer regimes, his account of the New South movement, Populism, and the rise of segregation have become the conventional wisdom. New study habitually takes his work on the postbellum South as the starting point. Historians may move to agree or disagree, but it is a tribute to his stature that one must begin with Woodward if the effort is to ring true. He has become the kind of figure about whom Richard Hofstadter once wrote: "If we are to have any new thoughts, if we are to have an intellectual identity of our own, we must make the effort to distinguish ourselves fromf those who preceded us, and perhaps pre-eminently from those to whom we once had the greatest indebtedness."' The factual issues raised by Woodward's books have already generated much commentary. Woodward himself, as a phenomenon in the intellectual history of the South, is also of some interest.2 He has, after all, fashioned the most compelling image of the American South offered by his generation.