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Presents several editorials which discuss different subjects. "The Unindicted Co-Conspirator," which discussed the travel and journeys of U.S. President Richard Nixon; "Kissinger's Tirade," which discussed U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger; "The State of the Department," which discussed the role of Kissinger in framing the foreign policy of the U.S.; "Mr. Nixon on Human Rights," which discussed human rights in the U.S.

Presents several editorials on different subjects which were discussed in previous issues of "The Nation." "New Spirit in Detroit" which discussed the problem of violence in Detroit, Michigan; "Flying Blind" which discussed the energy crisis in the U.S.; "Public Enterprise, Private Gain" which discussed the economic condition of the U.S.; "Grass-Roots Needs" which discussed the decentralization of revenue administration in the U.S.; "Human Rights in Madrid" which discussed human rights in Madrid; "Bon Voyage!" which discussed trade relations between the U.S and China; "The Eachus File" which discussed the investigation of Ron Eachus, a student leader and an anti-war activist.

Discusses information on the efforts to fight nuclear war in 1968. Participation of middle-class Catholic laymen in the "2-year-old Revolt by Local Priests" against the authoritarian rule of Archbishop Robert E. Lucey; Contradiction between the authoritarian ecclesiastical traditions of the church and the secular movement for human rights; Difference of humanistic individualism from egoistic individualism.

Presents letters to the editor referencing articles and topics discussed in previous issues. Criticism made on the review of "MacBird," by Robert Brustein, Dean of the Yale Drama School; "Pipers and Payers," which calls for a reform of the laws regarding campaign contributions and their disclosure; "Overcoming the Handicap of Dialect," which discusses dialect; "Cops, Courts and Congress - Is Citizen Safety Unconstitutional," which deals with the laws that protect an individual.

Examines the racial problem in Washington, D.C. as of 1966. Privileges given to the white minority; Problem associated with the representation of African Americans in different sectors and groupings; Formation of the social movement Free D.C. Movement; Information on African American civil rights movements in the city.

Assesses the achievements of the administration of U.S. President John F. Kennedy on civil rights issues as of December 1962. Metrics that must be used in evaluating the performance of the administration; Measures taken to remove racial discrimination in the country; Observations on judicial appointments in the Fifth Judicial Circuit.

Interviews with Chancellor Willy Brandt regarding guilt complex in West Germany. Distinction between guilt and responsibility; Maintenance of the values of a national identity; View that no country can become a member of the European Community if it does not base itself on the institutions that a government or parliament elected by the people, trade unions, and so on; Emphasis on the minimum respect for the Declaration of Human Rights; Appraisal of Charles De Gaulle, President of France; Claim that a good portion of material security has been achieved.

Focuses on the consequence of the East-West détente in Moscow, the Soviet Union. Report on the trial of Pyotr Yakir and Viktor Krasin for telling Westerners about Soviet violations of human rights; Threats to novelist Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn and physicist Andrei Sakharov; Determination of U.S. President Richard Nixon to maintain reciprocal silence about untoward events; Indictment of the Watergate Affair as reason for doubts about the policy of détente by Soviet Communist general secretary Leonid Brezhnev.

The article focuses on Warren Earl Burger, the choice of U.S. President Richard M. Nixon to replace Chief Justice Earl Warren for the Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit. It notes that Burger is a professional jurist, a man of unquestioned probity and came from a conservative school but moderate on racial issues. It offers several comments from notable people on Burger's appointment including critic Philip Kurland, historian Arthur Link and Judge J. Edward Lumbard.

The article reports on the issue of war on poverty in the U.S. It highlights the critics of public leaders regarding the poverty program of President Lyndon Johnson including civil rights leader Bayard Rustin and professional organizer Saul Alinsky. It explores the works of the Office of Economic Opportunity (OEO) of director R. Sargent Shriver Jr. It states that Shriver's OEO aims to relieve the symptoms of poverty and also cures its causes as well.

The article focuses on the struggle of African Americans to achieve their right to vote in Selma, Alabama. It highlights the effort of clergyman and activist Martin Luther King Jr. to lead the African Americans in their march to acquire their right, however, their struggle has resulted to death and violence. It notes that the chaos between the African American protesters and the state's police have prompted President Lyndon Johnson to center in attempt to resolve the issue.

Discusses the author's resignation as Contributing Editor at "New Republic" magazine to lead the New Party. Author's role in the development of national programs, such as a system of storage known as the Ever Normal Granary; Awareness of the supreme importance of overcoming delinquencies in civil liberties; Argument that the protection and extension of civil rights and the elimination of discrimination and segregation must be the priority in the platform of any progressive party.

Discusses how the U.S. government is assessing its foreign policies with South American countries through their observance of basic human rights. Public opposition to the enforcement of Church laws in Roman Catholic-dominated Mexico; Wealth gap between the elite and the laborers in El Salvador, the Dominican Republic, Nicaragua and Argentina; Support for international defense treaty of the U.S. government.

Focuses on the African American press and reactions of the whites on publications of the press in the U.S. Information on the press that has been consistently growing too big and tough for the focus of their prejudiced visions; Accusation of the whites that the African American press has been creating something to which it has only given expression: the American Negro's drive for the freedoms, rights, privileges, and human happiness for which the war itself is being fought; Demand of the African Americans regarding the real news of African Americans in the war and the war's effect upon race issues; Statement that in a great majority of cases is given the race slant right at the source; The race press has grown up to fill a need as important to the African American as the home-town paper to any white man; Discussion of the African American writers, who over and over, in all possible variations, with a variety of tones and shadings, with none of the ambiguous and deceitful language by which hard facts are softened in the white press, tell the African American exactly what the white man doing for him and to him; Information on critics of the race press who failed to mention the better-conduct campaigns; Description of the fundamental weakness of the African American press.

This article presents the view of the author from "Maddox country." Some of the more obstreperous and enduring political segregationists on his particular turf are immensely enjoying the thought that U.S. President Richard Nixon's administration, despite recent protestations, is engaged in "craven retreat" and "benign neglect" in dealing with racial problems, now that the 1970 Congressional elections draw near They may enjoy the spectacle even more in 1972, when tended to capture. It does not occur to them that the Nixon administration is simply trying "to be fair to the South" because it is now pretty well integrated. This does not occur to them because it is absurd and they are realists, if anything. They sit where the author sit, in "Maddox country," and they know what is going on in the South. They know and enjoy political scheming of the most craven variety. They know the administration's descriptions of the civil rights retreat are mere self-serving piffle.

When the Nineteenth Amendment became part of the Constitution on August 26, 1920, the nation thought it had washed its hands of "this woman business." Almost fifty years later conscious ness that women are still second-class citizens has been growing at least since U.S. President John F. Kennedy established the Commission on the Status of Women in 1961. Created at the urging of Esther Peterson of the Women's Bureau and Eleanor Roosevelt, the commission in its short life came out with several reports documenting just how thoroughly women are still denied many rights and opportunities.

This article presents information regarding domestic policy of U.S. For his effect on domestic policy, there is no more important official in Washington today than the director of the Civil Rights Division of the U.S. Department of Justice. The post calls for integrity, courage, political independence and a strong commitment to civil rights. During the summer of 1967, Admiral Lewis L. Strauss proposed an audacious, technologically based peace plan for the Middle East. He suggested large nuclear-power plants in Israel and the Arab countries to produce electricity in sufficient quantities to desalinate sea water economically and to be a reserve source of power for future needs.

The right to one's body and the right to autonomy are undoubtedly the most fundamental natural rights of persons. A subsidiary one stems from the tight to autonomy. It is characteristic of human action to be purposive and to have results and consequences; freedom therefore is normally conceived as involving not only the right to decide what to do but also the right to dispose of or cope with the consequences of one's action. One aspect of this is the right to the product of one's labor, which has played an important role in the theory of both capitalism and communism. If this line of thought is extended to the point of considering one's property an extension of his person, the scope of the concept of violence becomes greatly enlarged-perhaps in harmony with popular thought on the subject, at least on the part of propertied persons however, one should always bear in mind that even a proper tied person can reconcile himself much more readily to loss of possessions than he can to loss of life.

The article presents information on Students for a Democratic Society (SDS). SDS is the major student radical organization and a study of its actions and problems offers reliable insight into the state of the movement. Established almost six years ago, SDS was at first principally devoted to exposing the social problems of United States. In large measure, the early members saw activism on the local level as the major tactic in dramatizing the issues of poverty and civil rights. Clearly, exposing obvious defects in the society and working for specific reforms were not enough to change the United States. These problems were rooted in the social and economic order of modern capitalism, which system must be overturned.

The immense popularity of J. R. R. Tolkien's fantasies and the growing interest in Hermann Hesse's novels are better guides than most to the styles and moods of young people today. The Tolkien fad began just at the time when young people sensed their own identity as a generation, when SNCC was breaking off from older civil rights groups, and the Free Speech Movement at Berkeley passed on the word: "You can't trust anyone over 30." But Tolkien himself, a retired professor of Anglo-Saxon, was in his 70s when students began to mine nicknames, epithets, slogans, and even complete languages from his books. And Hesse, a German writer born in the Bismarck era, who had been popular among the young before Marconi invented the wireless, had died at 85 in 1962.

It is never easy to fix the beginnings of a movement, but participants in the emerging welfare recipients movement will probably remember the last days of June, 1966. About forty men and women on relief left Cleveland on the first lap of a 155-mile march to Columbus, there to present complaints about public welfare to Governor Rhodes. As the marchers passed through cities and towns on the route, local recipients, ministers, social workers and other sympathetic citizens, sometimes hundreds of them, fell in line for a short distance. When they finally reached Columbus, the forty marchers were joined by busloads of recipients from all over Ohio. Some 2000 protesters paraded down Broad Street to the capitol to argue the case against Ohio's welfare system. Dick Gregory, one of those who addressed the crowd, announced that this is not a civil rights movement; it's a human rights movement.

The article focuses on a report entitled the "Equality of Educational Opportunity," issued by the U.S. Office of Education. The report dealing with a massive social science investigation, was prepared in response to the 1964 Civil Rights Act which reads in one section: "The Commisioner shall conduct a survey . . .concerning the lack of availability of equal educational opportunities for individuals by reasons of race, color, religion, or national origin in public educational institutions. . . " Presumably, the research was to assist in shaping national educational policy, however, in my opinion, the report will have art influence on state and local policy far exceeding its effects at the national level. Further, the report will intensify efforts to improve the school performance of children coming from the lower socioeconomic strata, regardless of their racial, ethnic or religious origin.

It is now widely proclaimed that the civil rights movement in the South is dead. Newspaper reports say that only a handful of workers remain on the payrolls of established organizations; mass confrontations of Afro-Americans with Southern whites seem things of the past. But these were only the dramatic outward signs of the movement; protest can be less visible and yet spread and mount. This seems to be happening in the South. Many of the civil rights activists are still there. They are still organizing, except that the goals have gone beyond public accommodations, school desegregation and voting rights.

Paul H. Douglas, the senior United States Senator from Illinois, is facing a threat by Charles H. Percy, the onetime boy wonder of Illinois and national politics in coming elections. Percy at the age of 47 has recovered from two tragedies, one from the loss of his daughter and another from the 1964 gubernatorial campaigns. The one issue on which the candidates can find little to disagree is civil rights and it is there that Percy is most likely to pick up votes. Two years ago, when it was not a key political issue, Percy opposed state-wide open occupancy. This year, when the white backlash has reached immense proportions in Chicago, Percy favors it.

The article presents information on protests related to the elected leaders of a democracy behave unwisely or immorally. It is not only a citizen's right but his duty, owed to the community as a whole, to protest that conduct vigorously and publicly. Such protest may be unjustified or mistaken, but a citizen can be expected to inform himself only as fully as he can and then act according to his best knowledge and belief. That such protest in general is proper and healthy most democrats are certain to agree. But how far does the right to protest extend? To what limits should the courts protect conduct whose aim is clearly that of protesting established law or policy, or carrying on political debate? No questions are more serious than these in a democracy and none more difficult to answer universally or unambiguously.

In the U.S., writer Michael Harrington, for one, has helped to shift opinion in favor of the poor. The civil rights movement constitutes an increasingly powerful force in the same direction, as does fear of juvenile violence-perhaps the political equivalent in the 20th century of working-class revolution in the 19th century In Britain, the rediscovery of poverty has mainly come from respectable labor intellectuals, not from the extreme Left; it has come from a nascent understanding of the limits of conventional welfare, and from a growing sense that after thirteen years of Conservative rule Great Britain is still a deeply class-divided society.

This article focuses on the political career of Senator George Smathers from Florida. For fourteen years, ever since he turned on and defeated Claude Pepper, the Senator who got him started in politics, Smathers has moved upward along an arc of growing influence. George Smathers, at 50 is still a wavy-haired fashion plate and in only slight physical decline. Indeed, some political handicappers feel that he no longer trails Senator Richard Russell. As a result of what it considers Russell's bungling of the civil rights, Smathers seems to overtake the mighty Georgian.

In this article, the author discusses the social conditions of people in the U.S. and social conflicts among them. He criticizes the use of Middle America to denote the home of the silent majority of Americans, and states that the country is divided into closed-minded people on one side and the open-minded one on the other. It describes how the country sets up a parallel between conservatives and radicals. He presents his views on crises in El Dorado and suggests the need for good leadership.

Presents several letters to the editor. Opinion of a reader on the article "The South Carolina Idea"; Discussion on the reasons that tends to threaten the rights of individual citizens; Description of the civil service reform in the U.S.

The article focuses on the political campaigns of U.S. Senator Barry Goldwater and Representative William E. Miller as presidential and vice-presidential candidates for the election in 1964. It states that Goldwater and Miller will point out their campaigns to the 18 million citizens who have registered but does not vote. Moreover, Goldwater appealed for those in the North and South who plans to slow down on Negro rights since he expected to win more votes in the Southern States.

Focuses on the foreign policy of the U.S. with reference to the United Nations' effort for international peace. Replacement of President Harry S. Truman's Doctrine with the Doctrine of the Missing Component, in the foreign policy outlined for China; Promotion of national independence by the United Nations; Concern for human rights in the United Nations Charter; Information on a technical-assistance program administered through the United Nations; Relation between disarmament and a United Nations military force.

Focuses on the U.S. policy towards World War I. Criticism of the policy of isolation which is negative and irresponsible towards Europe; Argument that rejection of the policy of isolation meant the search for a new and a positive policy towards Europe; Violation of a small state like Belgium raised a European question regarding internationalism which is also American; Observation that when Great Britain adopted commerce-destroying measures of doubtful legality the treatment by the American government of these interferences with neutral trade was profoundly influenced by German behavior at the outbreak of the war; Assertion that the aggrandizement of power which Great Britain was assuming with American consent was that of life and death over nations.

Comments on a number of developments in politics in the United States. Former Progressives gradually lining up in either the Democratic or Republican ranks in the presidential contest between Charles E. Hughes and Woodrow Wilson; Declaration by President Wilson that he is old-fashioned enough to believe in the Virginia bill of rights saying that a people has the right to do anything they please with their country and government; Report by Matthew Hale, acting chairman of the Progressive National Committee.

Several letters to the editor are presented in response to articles in previous issues including "The Danger Signals," published in the April 13, 1953 issue, and those about the need to protect civil liberties of people and another about Senator Joe McCarthy.

The article presents the constitution of the free State Fiume, written by Gabriele d'Annunzio. Fiume is the guardian out-post of the Giulian Alps, it is the remote fortress of Italian culture, it is the last bearer of the standard of Dante. It was by her efforts that, throughout the centuries, through struggle after struggle, and suffering after suffering, the Quarnero of Dante was preserved Italian. Fiume, firm of will, heroic in her endurance of pain, insidious plotting, and violence of all sorts, has for the past two years been vindicating her right to choose her own destiny and her own task by virtue of that principle expressed to her people by one of her own unjust adversaries. This is her human right.

The article profiles Senator Hubert Horatio Humphrey, a candidate for the Democratic presidential nomination in Milwaukee, Wisconsin in 1960. Humphrey stressed his role in the campaign, saying that he is the only one who stands out among the candidates and competitors. He says that his job is to go to the convention to keep his flames alive. An overview of Humphrey's life, achievements, and staples for the upcoming election is offered.

The article focuses on various news related to the U.S. Ellis R. Arnall, director of price stabilization, has done an excellent job of refuting the steel companies' claims and charges. In two energetic statements Arnall repeated his assertion that the companies could absorb cost increases amounting to around a billion dollars or $13.60 a ton, more than twice the amount of the recommended wage increase. The Basque Delegation New York is to be commended for having submitted the case of the prisoners in Vitoria to the United Nations Commission on Human Rights.

This article presents information regarding the role of India in world peace. There has been a good deal of misunderstanding regarding India's attitude on many questions of importance, for instance, that of admitting the Peking government to the U.N. The author shall not discuss here all the aspects of this question but shall confine himself to one which he hopes will be entirely non-controversial. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights was proclaimed by the General Assembly of the United Nations in December, 1948. That declaration is meant to serve as a common standard of achievement for all peoples.

The article presents information on international politics. Analyzing the fate of the F.E.P.C. bill in the U.S. requires no deep political insight. The Republican high command, as distinguished from a number of individual Republican Representatives, were in no sense eager for a fair-employment practices law with powers of enforcement. They wire very happy, however, to have an innocuous law to present to their constituents as a beginning, a first step on the road to a civil-rights program. The Southerners, on the receiving end of the appeasement process, thumbed their noses at their appeasers and voted no almost to a man. And the Northern Democrats split wide open on the ancient question of whether to take what could be bad or stand on principle.