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Scholarly interest in a cellular model for sectors of the Chinese economy dates at least to G. William Skinner's “Marketing and social structure in rural China,” published in 1964–65, but based on his field work from 1949 to 1950 and on a theoretical foundation developed by Christaller and Löch in the 1930s and 40s. New interest was sparked by Audrey Donnithorne's 1972 article in this journal, in which she attempted to demonstrate that China had recently “experienced an intensification of the tendencies towards a cellular economy,” which she claimed had been strong even before the Cultural Revolution.

The key role of trade in the development process is widely accepted today. Two recent events, both relating to international organizations, underscore this acceptance. One was the convening in 1964 of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) and its establishment as a permanent organ of the UN system. Under UNCTAD's aegis a continuing examination is being conducted as to ways of reshaping world trade policies in the interests of the developing countries. The other event was the adoption early the following year of a new set of articles on trade and development in the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). In the new articles recognition of the role of exports in economic development was established for the first time in the text of the GATT itself, and a constitutional basis was provided for GATT's many activities designed to promote the exports of developing countries. Elsewhere in this volume are essays evaluating the contributions of UNCTAD and GATT toward the promotion of development in the world's poor countries. In this essay I will rather explore more generally the relation between international trade and economic development and discuss some of the problems that have arisen in the effort to make trade a more effective instrument of development.

The decades of the 1820's, 1830's and early 1840's form a fascinating period i n the process of American nineteenth-century development. In many ways that era represents a classic case of interdependence between developed and underdeveloped economies through the movements of factors, goods and specie. During these formative years in American development, the United States was predominantly a single primary product exporter, her rate of economic expansion very much a function of the state of the external market for cotton. The flow of capital moves in the classic fashion, from capital-rich Great Britain to capital-scarce America, but varying with relative degrees of expected returns; that is, varying with the relative rate of development between the two countries. But the period from the 1820's to 1840's exhibits another interesting aspect as well: it reveals the first substantial evidence of a long swing in the rate of American economic development.

It is the advantage to outsourcing of supply chains that opened up a new door of economic emancipation for Bangladesh . The readymade garments (RMG) of Bangladesh emerge as value chain member of European, USA cloth merchants and retails. Many of them are found economic justification in outsourcing production function to Bangladesh . RMG sector of Bangladesh responded to this outsourcing demand quite successfully. The overwhelming success of the RMG sector of Bangladesh has moved its status in the global context in terms of economic and social development indicators. Despite the challenge that lies ahead, Bangladesh performed well in terms of realizing benefit of economic globalization, particularly its RMG sector. This paper discusses in brief the problem of health and safety issues of female workforce of garment industries in Bangladesh based upon the industry environment, their residential environment, working condition, age, problem of health, causes of diseases, causes of fire accident and their medical facilities. Key Words: Female Workers; Health; Disease; Fire and Safety. DOI: 10.3329/jme.v41i1.5364 Journal of Mechanical Engineering , Vol. ME 41, No. 1, June 2010 65-70

One of the open questions arising out of the international economic dimensions of environmental management is its implications for the developing countries. These nations, encompassing two-thirds of the world’s population, are faced with a host of serious problems and conflicting policy priorities — over-population, hunger and malnutrition, unemployment and underemployment, illiteracy, rural—urban imbalance and chronic poverty — many of which can only be solved by economic growth in the conventional sense. They require the absorption of larger proportions of the labour force in productive employment and increased efficiency in the use of scarce productive resources. Hence, one would hardly be surprised if, within the social welfare function that faces them, ecological questions generally assume a subordinate role for policy planners in developing countries.

During the nineteenth century economic development overflowed from Europe and North America into Asia and Africa and Latin America by means of international trade. There were the usual substantial benefits. The trader brings new ideas: new tastes, which stimulate effort, and new techniques, which stimulate innovation. Additional income was generated, and though much was taken as profit, much remained behind not merely to add to local consumption, but also to finance ports, railways, electric power, water and other public utilities, and also indirectly through taxation to pay for schools, hospitals, a framework of law and public administration, and other public services. Some local industries were destroyed by imports, and others, such as human porterage, gave way to new techniques, but the net effect was undoubtedly a great increase in the capacity to produce real income.

The present essay tries to elucidate various connections between the terms of trade and economic development. It utilizes existing statistical and other factual material, but it does not present any new empirical facts nor does it contain new computations. The paper is, to a large extent, critical and polemical. That is to say, it tries to disprove certain widely held notions, historical generalizations, as well as policy conclusions which have been derived from such generalizations. No originality is claimed for these critical analyses, but no apologies are offered either. It is hoped that a systematic stocktaking of existing facts and arguments may clear the air and lead to useful results. In the first section, I discuss some general propositions of international trade theory concerning the terms of trade in their relation to economic welfare. In the succeeding sections, some applications of these propositions to the problems of economic development are made.

Canadian market absorbed approximately $20,000,ooo worth of American goods. In 192-9 the values of trans-border shipments reached the peak figures of $5oo,ooo,ooo for the southward flow and almost $900,000,000 for the stream moving northward.' The vast proportions of this intercountry trade and its remarkably persistent growth warrant consideration of the factors which have motivated and directed the development.

This slim volume presents the English version of a course of six lectures delivered by the author at the National University of Brazil, Rio de Janeiro, in 1950 and previously published in Portuguese. They do not, as the title might suggest, deal with the international trade aspects of economic development. Five of them present the author's views on international trade theory and policies. Only the last lecture addresses itself to economic development of underdeveloped countries "the world's greatest, most serious, economic problem: the problem of much over half the world's population living under conditions of acute poverty"; its two main topics are the meaning of "under-developed" and the major obstacles to economic development. Professor Viner writes with the authority of an eminent scholar in the theory of international trade and one of the keenest minds among American economists. He also writes with the vitriolic pen of an embattled liberal and free trader, at odds with most twentieth century trends in economic theorising and economic policies. The result is a provocative amalgam of wisdom and prejudice which those will find most worth reading whom it most annoys. Professor Viner is at his best in his careful restatements, based on unrivalled knowledge, of the classical theories of international trade. But there are also acute pieces of analysis of theoretical issues which have emerged in recent years, such as the difficulties in measuring price-elasticities in international trade on which he anticipated most of Orcutt's criticisms, and the relations between external (balance of payments) and internal (monetary and fiscal) policies on which his argument closely paralleled the more recent and systematic investigations by Meade. A great many of his astringent comments on popular fallacies and current malpractices in national economic policies, moreover, will find a ready echo in the heart of any economist. To quote one of many notable aphorisms : "There is, except in the United States and a few other countries, a widespread willingness today to provide an international discipline for the misbehaviour of creditor countries. But

Economists have singled out, at one time or another, a great variety of causes of the wealth of nations. Among them are three that have been accorded particular emphasis: the growth of markets, the accumulation of capital and the progress of technology. All three, like everything else that economists write about, interact with one another, so that the influence of any one of tdem makes itself felt as much through its repercussions on the other two as by its direct impact. A high level of capital investment, for example, allows new techniques to be exploited more quickly and at the same time helps to speed up the improvement of these techniques and the discovery of still newer ones by providing opportunities of experimentation on a commercial scale. Investment widens markets by enlarging the community's productive powers and contributes to the progress of technology by ensuring an outlet for innovations in technique. Nor is this the end of the matter: the resulting widening of markets and progress in technology react on one another and both create scope for yet more investment. Interactions so complex and far-reaching make it difficult to isolate the consequences of any single element in economic growth and development. They permit economists, indulging an individualism that is at once the charm and the reproach of our science, to pick their own thread to guide them through the maze, and set up their own signposts to prosperity. The fashionable route today is by way of higher investmentexcept perhaps on the Continent where investment is already relatively high and the appeal of a larger market is correspondingly greater. In Britain it has also become fashionable to look in the direction of technological education and heavier expenditure on research and development for a short-cut to higher productivity. I have no quarrel with putting up these signposts provided they are not represented as the only ones to follow. No one can fail to be conscious in the modern world of the enormous dependence of economic progress on advances in technology and on the investment that is necessary in order to give them effect. But there is a danger, particularly in the underdeveloped countries, that the third major influence on development, the widening of markets, may be allowed less than its due. This influence is now regarded with scepticism and distrust. I propose to consider how