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The Labour and Socialist Convention held at Leeds on 3 June 1917 was held expressly “to follow Russia”. It adopted four resolutions, the most celebrated of which called for the establishment of what have been termed “extra-Parliamentary Soviets with sovereign powers”. It was described shortly afterwards as “the most spectacular piece of utter folly for which [the Socialist left] during the whole war-period, was responsible – which is saying not a little”. A contemporary journal held that many of the ILP men had become “avowed Syndicalists or Bolsheviks”; and the King, in conversation with Will Thorne after the latter's visit to Russia on behalf of the government, expressed some concern about what had taken place. He “seemed greatly disturbed at the famous Leeds Conference”, Thorne recorded. Thome's reply, however, had “seemed to relieve his mind”. F. W. Jowett, a member of the group which issued invitations to the Convention, referred to it to the end of his life as the “highest point of revolutionary fervour he had seen in this country”.

This paper involves two objectives. Firstly, a descriptive analysis of the institutions represented at the 1969, 1970, 1971, 1972, and 1973 an nual meetings of the North Central Sociological Association is presen ted. Although the sociology convention has occasionally been the object of study (e.g., Higbie and Hammond, 1966; Mintz, 1967; Hammond and Hibgie, 1968; Lin, Garvey, and Nelson, 1970, Leonard and Schmitt, 1973), it has not been examined extensively. In view of the increasing in terest in the sociology of sociology, the intrinsic concern of sociologists with formal organizations, and the role of regional, and especially, national psychology conventions in the early dissemination of research findings (Garvey and Griffith, 1971:355-58), this neglect is un warranted. Secondly, an analysis of the substantive concerns, as reflected in session, panel, topic etc. titles, is contained herein. It seems reasonable to conclude that some of the dominant and pressing considerations of the discipline are mirrored in these entries.

THE Palmer House in Chicago was the setting on April 11, 12, 13, and 14, 1973, for the sixty-sixth annual meeting of the Organization of American Historians. The meeting, which formally began on Wednesday evening and ended at noon on Saturday, attracted a large number of people (over 2,600 registrants and a total attendance of about 3,000 persons) in these times of academic austerity. The convention was presided over by T. Harry Williams, whose sparkling presidential address, the highlight of the assembly, was presented to a crowded and appreciative audience in the Grand Ballroom on Thursday evening.' The formal part of the program consisted of fifty-six sessions.2 The subjects treated, themes emphasized, and approaches considered in these sessions reflect the diversified interests of scholars now working in the field of United States history. The format of the sessions varied: thirty-two featured two formal papers, ten had three papers, and six were organized around a single paper. There were also eight workshops held between noon and 2:00 p.m. on Thursday and Friday. These were generally less formal than the

Most contemporary observers accorded Mississippi primacy in the enactment of legal suffrage restrictions in the South. Delegates to its nationally watched 1890 constitutional convention broached most of the important arguments and proposals for disfranchisement, drafted the first comprehensive and permanent limitations on suffrage in the late nineteenth century South, and advanced the initial rhetorical and legal defenses of franchise contraction. Six other ex-Confederate states frequently adverted to Mississippi's experience as they passed similarly sweeping revisions in their fundamental voting requirements in the dozen years after 1890. Scholars have almost universally followed the contemporary pattern by concentrating on these seven states in their analyses of I suffrage restriction. They have paid considerably less attention to the four Southern states which adopted simpler, mainly statutory limits on the electorate-Arkansas, Texas, Florida, and Tennessee. Yet the restrictive devices which Florida and Tennessee employed actually preceded the Mississippi convention, and although not as complex, were almost as effective as the Magnolia State's regulations in curtailing Negro voting. More obviously partisan and seemingly less racist in its goals than the seven more familiar movements, the drive for restriction in Tennessee was typical of the largely neglected, but extremely significant acts of legislative suffrage contraction.

Developing countries have been on the periphery of the patent system. Although 85 developing countries have patent laws, most of the larger countries are not members of the Paris Convention though their national laws tend to follow the main principles of that convention. The article indicates that in regard to many aspects of patent law, e.g., patentability, duration, fees, etc., there is considerable scope for improving patent legislation. Initiatives at the international level, culminating in the recent resolution of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development's Intergovernmental Group on Transfer of Technology, have established directions for a future revision of the system.

1 Reprinted from the Proceedings of the First Annual Convention of the Religious Education Association, Feb. 10‐12, 1903, pp. 60‐66

Children of three subcultural groups in the United States-Anglos, Blacks, and Mexican-Americans-were tested with the Portable Rod and Frame Test. The results showed that Black and Mexican-American children, and females in all three groups, scored in a significantly more field-dependent direction than Anglo children. The results confirmed previous findings that members of groups which emphasize respect for family and religious authority and group identity and which are characterized by shared-function family and friendship groups tend to be field-dependent in cognitive style. Members of groups which encourage questioning of convention and an individual identity and are characterized by formally organized family and friendship groups, on the other hand, tend to be more field-independent.

The Eastern Communication Association sponsored a panel discussion about oral history at its 1973 convention. Alice Hoffman, a former secretary of the Oral History Association, and presently an assistant professor in the Department of Labor and Director of the Pennsylvania State University Oral History Project with the United Steel Workers of America and the Graphic Arts International Union, was a participant. The panel stimulated a good bit of discussion and a central question raised by students of speech communication dealt with the reliability and validity of the data collected. In this essay, Professor Hoffman extends and develops the views she expressed last March.

Simulating a confrontation at a convention or other meeting can prepare participants to be ready for the real thing, says this author. He raises pertinent questions to stimulate thinking on this possibility.

The Uniform Laws on International Sales Act 1967 is now in force in relation between this country and a number of other European countries.l This does not mean that it will automatically apply to all contracts of international sales as defined in Article 1 of Schedule 1 of the Act. This country has ratified the Convention with the proviso that the uniform rules shall apply to a contract of sale only if it has been chosen by the parties as the law of the contract in question.2 It can, however, hardly be doubted that this will happen in a growing number of cases, in particular because the ratification -without a similar proviso-by several of the member States of the EEC has already been effected and other European countries can be confidently expected to follow suit in the very near future. English courts and also arbitrators in this country will also be called upon to adjudicate in cases in which foreign parties have concluded contracts of sale to which the law applies. The new law results in peculiar problems of interpretation,3 of which Article 73 of the Uniform Law on the International Sale of Goods may well constitute a more or less typical example and may therefore be used as a specimen for an attempt at a detailed interpretation of the Act.

The final preambular paragraph of the 1969 Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties affirms “that the rules of customary internationallaw will continue to govern questions not regulated by the provisions of the present Convention;” and Article 4 of the Convention, establishing the nonretroactivity of the Convention by providing that it “applies only totreaties which are concluded by States, after the entry into force of the present Convention with regard to such States,” stipulates that this nonretroactivity is “ [w]ithout prejudice to the application of any rules set forth in the present Convention to which treaties would be subject under international law independently of the Convention.”

1974年のNAB大会に出席したので, 放送機器展示会場における主要な機器を紹介し, ここ数年間の展示品の傾向から, 米国における放送機器発展の動向を分析, 日本の放送界への影響の予測を行った.

South African concept. Black consciousness is vaguely defined and contradictions exist in respect of its philosophical bases and objectives. The relative contributions of the cultures of Indians and Coloureds appear to be slight and African culture dominates. There is no doubt about the existential nature and political objectives of the movement Black consciousness and human relations. In spite of denials by leading exponents, racism underlies much of Black consciousness thought, and there is complete withdrawal from Whites and White institutions. The South African Students’ Organisation and the Black Peoples Convention – both organisations adhering to the ideals of Black consciousness – discourage their members from participating in South African government created institutions. Religious involvement. The viewpoint that theology is concerned with existential problems led to its political involvement and the belief that religious fulfilment can only be achieved together with or after fulfilment i...

The author holds the Ph.D. from the University of Iowa and is presently a communication research and consultant with Daystar Communications in Nairobi, Kenya. At the time this article was written, he was an assistant professor of journalism at Southern Illinois University. He is grateful to Godwin C. Chu for his helpful advice on the statistical portion of this study, an earlier version of which was given before the ICA convention in New Orleans in April 1974.

Joseph Rayner Stephens's active participation in the Chartist movement was limited to three months in the autumn of 1838. His Chartist career began in mid-September when he was elected as a delegate to the Convention by the men of Ashton-under-Lyne and had ended before he was arrested at the end of December. During that time he spoke at meetings not only in Lancashire and the West Riding of Yorkshire but also at places as far afield as Carlisle and Norwich. He was elected a delegate to the Convention at Ashton, at the great South Lancashire demonstration, at Stockport, and at Norwich. He was a commanding figure on Chartist platforms, and historians of the movement have devoted a great deal of attention to him. His vivid and forceful language, prominence in the early stages of the agitation, early arrest, and seeming recantation of Chartism all provide choice material for historians, who have been quick to exploit it. By all hands, Stephens is given credit for the part he played in arousing the working men of the North of England and for fostering in them a sense of identity to which the Chartists could appeal. This was a fundamentally important contribution to the development of the Chartist movement. But historians have not clearly raised two important questions about Stephens's role in the movement. First, did Stephens think when he was participating in the movement that its immediate goal – enactment of the People's Charter – was worth-while? Timing is important here for many historians have noted that he renounced the movement between the time of his arrest in December, 1838 and his trial in August, 1839. Second, did his impact on the agitation extend beyond arousing the men of the North? These questions are related, for his skepticism about Chartist goals helped to shape his impact on the movement.

NASSP's Model Schools Project presented its fifth annual report during the Association's Convention. Published here are statements by a teacher, a student, and the principal of one of the MSP schools (selected because of their proximity to the NASSP office and the convention), plus statements by another MSP principal in Canada, and by the Model Schools Project Directors.

This campaign was a rare departure from the solid Democratic South which evolved in Georgia after 1865. Although the Republicans decided not to run a candidate in 1880, incumbent Alfred H. Colquitt, unable to get the necessary two‐thirds majority at the nominating convention in his bid for a second term, confronted Thomas M. Norwood, the minority Democratic candidate, in a state‐wide battle involving blacks, whites, Democrats, Republicans, and independents.

No historical treatment of the first decade of the British occupation of Egypt overlooks the abortive mission of Sir Henry Drummond-Wolff to Cairo and Istanbul from 1885 to the spring of 1887. Most, however, fail to discuss the diverse political interests within Egypt itself, which, in one fashion or another, stood to be affected by the mission and its objectives. Consequently, an entire segment of the negotiations which led to the 22 May 1887 convention setting the conditions for withdrawal, including an original draft article covering the future status of the capitulatory and mixed court regime in Egypt, has all but disappeared from the record. The circumstances behind this forgotten article demonstrate in capsule form the degree to which the issue of judicial reform indirectly dominated London's Egyptian policy in stages from 1876 to the Montreux Convention on the capitulations concluded by Nahhas Pasha in 1937.

We are printing the ASUTS abstracts presented at their meeting in Seattle, 5 October 1974. Because of a change in policy in the convention office at Seattle, these were not published in the September issue.

Early in 1826, at the age of 28, Charles Lyell began writing the first of a series of articles for J. G. Lockhart, the new editor of theQuarterly review. These articles gave him his first opportunity to express to the educated public his views on the state of science in general, and of geology in particular, in English society. According to the convention of theQuarterly, each article was nominally a review of one or more recently published works, but like other reviewers Lyell clearly chose them as ‘pegs’ on which to hang his own arguments. In content, the articles form a kind of ‘gradualistic’ series, rather like his own later interpretations of geological phenomena. At one end of the series (though published third) was an essay on the place of science in general in English university education. Another article (the first to appear in print) focused on some of the English institutions specifically devoted to science. Here there was a hint that the need for reform in the place of science in English society was not unrelated to a similar need for reform in Lyell's chosen branch of science. The next article enlarged on this hint by examining the publications of the Geological Society of London, on which Lyell had recently served as Secretary. This essay expressed for the first time in a general context Lyell's characteristic emphasis on the need for actualistic comparison between present and past. Finally, what he needed to complete the series was an article in which he could show in detail the positive explanatory advantages of following this method in geology. The ‘peg’ which he chose for this purpose was a single work, George Poulett Scrope'sMemoir on the geology of central France.

In marked contrast with the 1968 Democratic National Convention chaos, the backdrop to the 1972 Miami meeting was characterized by general calm. One departure from this general condition was Senator George McGovern's meeting with demonstrators in the Doral Beach Hotel. Many issues were discussed. Few conclusions were reached. Yet the somewhat unusual nature of this communication is such that it merits some careful consideration. This essay provides such a description.

An earlier version of this paper was presented to the AEJ convention at Boulder, Colorado in 1973 by Dr. Milan Meeske for the authors. Dr. O'Keefe is an associate professor of communication at Florida Technological University where Mr. Sheinkopf is a student.

For the past six years, the Democratic party has been implementing a number of significant changes in the process of selecting delegates to its national nominating conventions. The party's Commission on Party Structure and Delegate Selection headed by Senator George McGovern, which grew out of the turbulent 1968 convention, put forward a list of wide-ranging reforms in its 1970 report.' These recommendations, which have stimulated an ongoing controversy within the party, were designed to achieve two goals: to increase participation by groups previously underrepresented in party affairs, and to make the delegate-selection process itself more open. Addressing itself to the group-representation goal, the commission declared that blacks, women, and youth should be represented in each state delegation in "reasonable relationship to their presence" in the population of the state.2 And with

This paper briefly summarizes some of the major provisions of the International Convention for the Prevention of Marine Pollution, 1973, as adopted by the International Conference on Marine Pollution, 1973, and considers their impact on the shipbuilding and maritime transportation industries.

The keynote address was written using contemporary ghostwriting procedure. This article describes in detail the development of this speech.

F OR DECADES SCHOLARS have overlooked the full significance of James Madison's direct statement in the Tenth Federalist: "a scheme of representation . . . promises the cure for [faction] which we are seeking."' It is surprising that they have ignored, also, his related prescription of a constitutional equilibrium to be achieved by allocating representation between the major sections as the primary means of controlling this source of faction. The first step to be taken in founding the new American republic, he asserted, was "a change in the principle of representation."2 Even when the Convention rejected his recommendation of equilibrium, the other change in representation was sufficiently novel and significant, Madison believed, to prove wrong the European theorists who opposed republicanism except in small trading cities. Europe had discovered representation, he conceded, but Americans could claim the merit of transforming that discovery by making "representation . . . the basis of unmixed and extensive republics."3

Equal Pay—Objectives and Achievement Equal pay for women has a history of policy declarations dating back in Great Britain to the resolution of the Trades Union Congress in 1888: “That in the opinion of this Congress it is desirable, in the interests of both men and women, that in trades where women do the same work as men, they shall receive the same pay.” On an international level the International Labour Organisation included the concept of “equal remuneration for work of equal value” in its constitution adopted in 1919, reiterating the principle in Convention 100 in 1951, which was not however ratified by this country until 1971, one year after the passage of the Equal Pay Act. The United Nations Declaration of Human Rights of 1948 states that “everyone, without distinction, has the right to equal pay for equal work”, with a more precise definition in its 1967 Declation on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women, “that all appropriate measures shall be taken to ensure to women,… the right to equal remuneration with men and to equality of treatment in respect of work of equal value”. In contrast, under Article 119 of the Treaty of Rome member states of the European Economic Community are required to “ensure and subsequently maintain the application of the principle that men and women should receive equal pay for equal work”.

The following paper is based on work first reported at the 1972 annual convention of AEJ, and indicates acceptance of on‐air television newswomen by the results of five surveys of different audience groups plus television news directors. Dr. Stone is professor of journalism and mass communication at the University of Wisconsin‐Madison. Broadcast journalism students Jill Geisler and Barbara Dell assisted in the research, which was supported by grants from the Radio Television News Directors Association and the Research Committee of the Wisconsin Graduate School.

To fill gaps in existing treaties regulating worldwide ship activities that may lead to pollution, IMCO completed and sent to countries for ratification a new document, the international convention for the prevention of pollution from ships. No country has yet ratified the convention. The convention regulates discharge of any substance that might be harmful to human health or marine life from any type of vessel, even drilling platforms, excluding only small nontankers and military ships. The convention's propositions are reviewed and limitations are described-for example, failure to demand double hulls for large oil tankers. (3 photos)

In speaking to an international congress on a given field of Israel law it would be natural, in order to facilitate communication with our guests from abroad, to compare the local law with the rules prevailing in one or more foreign systems. By doing so, similarities as well as dissimilarities could be pointed out and thereby the local picture put into proper perspective.Such comparison would have been easier had this congress taken place some years earlier, say in 1967. At that time a sweeping statement to the effect that the law of contract in Israel was the same as in England would have been fairly correct. To be true, some remnants from the pre-Mandate period of Ottoman legislation were still in force. But their impact on the living law was almost negligible in the face of the pervasive influx of English law and its nearly total domination in the field of contracts.English principles and precedents were applied throughout, whether in compliance with the mandate contained to that effect in art. 46 of the Palestine Order-in-Council of 1922 (which was maintained on the establishment of the State) or, simply because English law and English law reports were better known to most lawyers, both on the bench and at the bar. The papers read by Judge Baker and Advocate Shimron at the International Lawyers' Convention here in Jerusalem in 1958 bear ample witness to this state of affairs.

The verdict in 1933 by the Permanent International Court of Justice in the so-called 'Eastern Greenland Case' brought to the fore the dilemma of adapting the traditional sovereignty concept to the novel political/legal problems characterizing the 'new ter ritories'. With the opening up of other 'new territories' for exploration and subsequent exploitation, this dilemma has grown ever more acute in recent years. This chapter highlights some general regulation problems in 'new territories', gives a description of attempts made to solve such problems in the past, and identifies the key elements in the various 'solution models' (notably the Svalbard Treaty, the Antarctic Treaty and the Continental Shelf Convention). These elements are described and analysed comparatively, with a certain emphasis on the somewhat divergent precon ditions prevalent in the three separate examples. In the final section, the authors pro ceed to discuss the applicability of the old solution models to the present and emerging regulation problems in the new territories.

If we teach as we have been taught, and the “how” of being taught is as significant as the “what” of college classes, then geographers need to take a serious look at the implications of their courses in training teachers who teach geography. This was the content of a non-lecture session at a recent convention that was structured to give participants an experience in a dynamic model of process instruction. Non-geographers as well as geographers at the high school, college or graduate levels will find that the model and procedures described here can be readily adapted to a variety of course situations and needs.

Nelson Goodman has provided one of the most exciting advances in semiotic aesthetics in years in his recent book, Languages of Art.1 Among other theses that Goodman defends is the claim that pictures are elements of symbol systems to be understood in the way that languages are understood: that depiction and description are species of a common genus which is to be understood in terms of denotation. One of the consequences Goodman draws from his theory is that depiction is conventional: the fact that a certain picture depicts a man is as much a matter of convention as the fact that a certain

Yet, though Gustave Moynier recognized that the rules relative to wounded or sick troops should clearly form a part of a plan for the codification of the most important laws of war—for it was he who had suggested in 1868 to the President of the Swiss Confederation that, because of the very close connection existing between the Law of Geneva and Alexander II's project, the Geneva Conference might be linked to the Conference of Saint Petersburg, to alleviate “as much as possible the calamities of war” — he did not show much enthusiasm, even while declaring his approval of the new Russian proposals, and did not hide his attitude of reserve.

Recently, several articles have appeared on the topic of childlessness (Kunz and Brinkerhoff, 1969; Veevers, 1971 a, 1971 b, 1971 c). These studies have provided new impetus to students of human fertility who, while not altogether ignoring childlessness (Grabill and Glick, 1959), have not devoted the time or attention to this phenomenon that it would appear to warrant. This brief paper is an attempt to extend this research by examining several issues with more recent data than have been available heretofore. Kunz and Brinkerhoff (1969), in a well-criticized article (Kantner and Zelnik, 1970), demonstrated that among older women (35-54), childlessness is still greater among nonwhites than whites. As Veevers (1971a) notes, using only women who have completed (or nearly completed) their childbearing years is a common demographic convention when studying fertility, but when childlessness is the focus, the reproductive behavior of younger women is equally important since women cannot have fewer children than they have already

In her novels, and those are what most of her readers know best, Virginia Woolf habitually aims at creating moments of freedom, moments when the self, breaking bonds and vaulting bounds, arrives at an unqualified intensity of thought and emotion. Clarissa Dalloway, on a London morning in spring, feels herself lifted on "waves of divine vitality." "It [is] very, very dangerous," she thinks, but without any regret, "to live even one day." Lily Briscoe, toward the close of To the Lighthouse, is oppressed by Mr. Ramsay's demands: he is a widower, and hence aggrieved; she is a woman and owes him, he would insist, solace. She cannot, she will not oblige: she got up that morning to paint. But suddenly, forgetting him and forgetting herself, she sees, and remarks, that his boots are beautiful. For the moment Lily and Mr. Ramsay are unlocked from the past and convention. They reach, together, "the blessed island of good boots." Percival, in The Waves, has a power over the other characters that may surely be tied to the image he appears to present of perfectly habitual, perfectly unconscious, self-expression. He need not study Shakespeare's plays; he simply understands them; he appears to be at home, and at large, in a brave new world. And even Eleanor Pargiter, in The Years, wakes from the constriction of nearly a lifetime to ask, "And now? ... And now?" She is at once ripe and ready.