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To assess the extent of the impact upon housing prices of the introduction of a modern suburban rapid transit service, a two-way unbalanced analysis of variance model is estimated with residential sales price data. Inflationary and time stable neighborhood effects are accounted for in this manner. The first term of the singular decomposition of the interaction matrix summarizes the interaction, and may indicate the nature of the impact. Since the residuals from the additive model are too dispersed and negatively skewed to be normally distributed, the application of outlier-editing and robust estimation procedures is discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Information on participation with kin, with friends, and in voluntary associations was used to test two competing hypotheses of the effects of social mobility on social relations. The dissociative hypothesis maintains that mobility leads to social isolation, while the socialization hypothesis predicts an adaptive outcome to mobility. The relationship is more complex than either position would suggest. Social mobility is associated with isolation from kin and friends, but only for the upwardly mobile. The findings obtained with voluntary associations support the socialization hypothesis in that the level of membership of the socially mobile is intermediate between the two stable groups. Social mobility has maladaptive consequences for more intimate and personal social relations, but it is integrative as far as participation in voluntary associations is concerned. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The general purposes of this study were to investigate the group and organizational affiliates of reputed community leaders in a rural community. The specific hypotheses were that the higher one is ranked as a reputational leader, (1) the more exchange influence he will likely have accumulated through occupying economic, kinship, occupational, ownership, and political-governmental positions which are reputedly influential in the community, (2) the more likely he is to be au active participant in formal and/or informal coordinative interstitial groups in the community, and (3) the more likely he is to be au active participant in those formal coordinative groups which are reputed to be influential over community affairs. The hypotheses were tested by comparing the sets of rankings of twenty-eight reputational leaders with (1) their rankings in terms of exchange positions scores, (2) their rankings in terms of social participation scores, and (3) their rankings in terms of weighted social participation scores. The results of the study tended to support the hypotheses, as stated, for the community involved. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Bonjean reputational technique of identifying community leaders is employed in two small Texas communities differing vastly in demographic and economic characteristics. The rankings of leaders revealed a highly visible power structure in both communities with few concealed leaders (those ranked higher by key influentials than by lower-ranking influentials) and few symbolic leaders (the opposite ranking pattern). High visibility in vastly dissimilar towns is discussed in terms of (low) magni-complexity (Bonjean) and preponderantly horizontal linkages (Warren) found in small communities; this suggests that the Bonjean technique is a more valuable instrument in larger communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main leaders of a large rural county were identified and classed into visible, symbolic, and concealed leader-types by Bonjean's technique. The composition of each type was summarized. The leadership pattern in this county was found to be distinctly different from the leadership pattern of places previously studied. Leaders were more visible and had stronger anchorage to public offices. Little variation existed in the locations of the leader-types in the generalized social structure of the community. The typology was, nonetheless, useful. It served as a good index for the factional and clique memberships of the leaders, which were recognized as crucial in the decision-making structure of the county. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines attitudinal manifestations of anomia and militancy among the Negro populations of three lower-class neighborhoods. Translating these ideas into the present research context, the basic question asked is: What is the relative impact of ecological setting and of the social characteristics of persons (such as social participation and socioeconomic status) in predicting attitudes? The two attitudes studied are anomia, measured by the Stole Anomia Scale, and militancy, measured by a recently published Militancy Scale. The study focuses upon anomia and militancy at two levels of analysis—the neighborhood level and at the individual level. The neighborhood analysis is directed toward measuring the impact of a given ecological setting on the attitudes of those residing in the area. The individual analysis centers around the social attributes of the respondent (the standard socioeconomic indicators, as well as several social participation measures) and their association with militancy and anomia. While sociologists have examined the effect of social context, they have seldom separated the consequences of social conditions from those of a person's own attributes, principally because most sociological data furnish information about social aggregates rather than individuals, (Blau, 1960:179; Coleman, 1969:86-114). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The literature concerned with social mobility is quite extensive. This body of material has to a great extent taken a societal or institutional perspective, with a large proportion of mobility studies focusing on such questions, among others, as: what are the social origins of a particular occupational stratum; what rates and trends can be found over time and place; and, are class boundaries becoming more rigid? Emphasis on such questions is certainly pertinent for the understanding of stratification. Yet, there has been a relative neglect of what should prove to be an intriguing aspect of social mobility—the social and psychological consequences of such mobility for the individuals involved. A basic question to ask is: do individuals who have experienced mobility exhibit variations in their behavioral patterns when compared to individuals who are socially stable? To find and study possible variations in the behavior of individuals who have had different mobility experiences seems an important area of investigation. Several decades ago it was postulated that social mobility resulted in social isolation through its disruption of participation in primary and secondary group structures (cf. Durkheim, 1951:252-254; Sorokin, 1927); mobility was seen as detrimental for interpersonal relations because of its effect on ties within these groups. However, the theoretical and empirical work since these early statements has not shown that such a simple relationship between mobility and participation exists; mobility does not seem always to lead to social isolation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tins Is the second of two papers dealing with the relationship between voluntary social participation and happiness. The earlier paper/ which like the present one was influenced by the work of Norman M. Bradburn and his associates on the 'happiness" project at National Opinion Research Center and by the theoretical writings of George C. Homans,2 examined the influence of voluntary social participation upon people's self-reports of happiness and explored the mechanisms through which this relationship was established. Analysis of data from a sample of 600 adults revealed that, as hypothesized, happiness was highly related to social participation? The greater the extent of participation, the greater the degree of happiness reported. This relationship was shown to emerge from the following: (a) positive feelings were directly correlated with social participation, (b) negative feelings were generally unrelated to social participation, and (e) the difference between the scores on the positive and negative feelings indices which Braclburn termed the Affect Balance Score 4--was a major determinant of happiness. That is, the greater the preponderance of positive over negative feelings, the greater the probability that an individual would report being "very happy." Conversely, the greater the preponderance of negative over positive feelings, the greater the likelihood of an individual's being Knot too happy." To explore the stability of these relationships, they were examined under several different control variables. For the most part, the original relationships were maintained within these various subgroups. Before proceeding to the main concerns of this report, it is useful to restate the hypotheses tested in the earlier paper and to explain the reasoning behind them. The first hypothesis—the higher the extent of voluntary social participation, the greater the number of positive feelings —was derived from consideration of Homans' general proposition that individuals tend to repeat those activities that were found to be rewarding in the past and to avoid those activities that were found unrewarding. Hence, if an activity is not rewarding or is punishing, individuals sooner or later will look for some alternative source of reward—if they are free to do so. Since with voluntary social participation men are, by definition, free to look for alternatives, it was hypothesized that a greater extent of social participation leads to a higher level of positive feelings. The second hypothesis—that negative feelings are unrelated to extent of social participation—also follows from the above argument. For as long as they are free to do so, we should expect individuals to withdraw from any social activities that are unrewarding or result in negative experiences. The third hypothesis—the greater the extent of voluntary social participation, the greater the degree of happiness—was derived from the first and second hypotheses and from the work of Bradburn which showed that the difference between the scores on the positive and negative feeling indexes is a good indicator of an individual's current level of happiness. Thus, the earlier paper concentrated mainly on testing these three hypotheses. It also was concerned with the stability of the relationships within each of several control groups and not, for the most part, with differences among groups. In this paper, however, the main focus is on examining the effects of socioeconomic status upon the relationships between social participation and positive and negative feelings, and participation and happiness. A further interest is in "interaction-opportunities" and "investments," two concepts which are utilized to account for patterns of relationship between social participation and the various dependent variables listed above: positive feelings, negative feelings, and happiness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although an extensive literature on professions (and professionalization) has accumulated, there are few researches of rural professionals, and fewer still which allow a systematic comparison between the major professions. The former condition, the neglect of professionals located in rural areas, is perhaps, in part, due to the fact that the growth of professions has to a large extent accompanied urbanization. The latter condition may be due to several factors such as the restricted interest of the researchers, the costs of enlarging the sample, the paucity of "rural practicing" professionals in certain of the categories of professions (e.g., lawyers or dentists), and the lack of agreement on the analytic framework to guide comparisons. One of the main features of the research herein reported is that the professionals studied represented the main divisions commonly referred to as the "established" professions and all resided in the same geographical area at the same point in time and responded to the same interview schedule. The focus of the research is the professionals' social participation patterns. We shall see first of all whether or not significant differences among the established professions are present in regard to certain areas of social participation (hereafter abbreviated SP) and, secondly, if such are found, whether or not other factors are also related to these SP differences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is the aim of this brief communication to suggest a way of conceptualizing the local community and its diverse forms that may prove useful, in light of recent societal trends, in bringing some perspective to bear on the controiversy over the nature, meaning, and significance of the local community in modern American society. The community may be usefully thought of as a locality-based social system enduring over time. It consists of networks of interacting individuals and groups occupying a contiguous area for residence who are integrated, to some degree, through sharing common experiences, who possess a distinctively local value orientation or normative pattern, and who possess a distinctively local value orientation or normative pattern.

Almost without exception, students of community life have held that the neighborhood as a basis for association disappears as the degree of urbanization increases. Simmel and Park provided the early theoretical basis; Bernard, McClenhan, Roper, Sweetser, and others, conducted early empirical studies which provided the factual basis for Wirth's later restatement of the Simmel-Park position. After this initial research, which could be characterized as "Chicago style," interest in the problem waned. Recently there has been a resurgence of interest in the problems of urbanization including studies of neighboring as well as other forms of social participation. On the basis of these theoretical statements and empirical studies, most students of the community have continued to point out that contacts with neighbors are less frequent and more superficial in the city than they are in the country. Unfortunately, however well conceived and well executed the empirical studies in this area have been, they do not provide a factual basis for the comparative statements given in most urban-sociology textbooks. The research has been confined to studies of one neighborhood, or two or more neighborhoods in the same city. In addition, none of the studies uses the same "valid" scale for populations from various points on a rural-urban continuum. The problem of testing the above hypothesis, i.e., that there is a negative relationship between urbanism and frequency or quality of neighborhood contacts, is two-fold: to develop a "valid" scale applicable to people located at any point along the urbanism continuum; and to interview a sample of people located at various points along that continuum. Work that tests this hypothesis and is aimed at solving both the problems outlined above is the interest of this paper. Because of the resurgence of interest in the area and a possibly wider use for the scale, it was decided to report these results even though the full work was completed almost eleven years ago. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The notions of public relations, community relations, and peopleto-people programs are considered to be essentially the same, and for purposes of this paper may be used interchangeably. Under this concept there is always the existence of an agency or an institution within a community of persons, and there is a regard or concern about the attitude or feelings of those persons to the agency. The sum total or resultant of the opinion or attitudes of such persons to the agency is referred to as "public opinion." All of the associations which individuals in the community have in relation to the agency, pleasant or unpleasant, leave their impressions in the form of mental and emotional scars and serve to create their feelings and attitudes. They include both intensity and constancy of impressions, beliefs, views, or convictions on all matters pertaining to the agency. It is not necessary to have a basis of ascertainable bet, but usually more than a hunch is needed to generate significant feelings. Often attitudes are largely unconscious in nature, and the persons may not understand the causes or basis for them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This papers has two frelated aims: first, to describe variables used as measures of urban social participation; and second, to review correlates of these measures. Social scientist and psychiatrits have long utilized this concept in explanatory schemes regarding deviant be havior; thus it seems appropriate to review the vast literature dealing this concept.In addition, a number of demographic correclates of social participation have been found and will be reviewed here. first, however, it is conrious combinations, as measures of social participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Expanding traditional sociological conceptions of community to include environmental considerations in community research, this paper stresses the importance of documenting both subjective and objective environmental concerns, as well as reconciling such differences as are presented and details precedence. Some recent data on the nature of social contact in high-rise ‘communities’ illustrate this approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Utopian communities—an alternative community form—vary flora large, comprehensive settlements in which most aspects of life are collectively organized to small informal households low on comprehensiveness and collectivization, like many contemporary communes. The initial stages, organizational problems, politics, and economic organization of both highly-structured large communes and minimally-structured small communes are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the relationship between defense contracting and community leadership structures. Some of the hypotheses presented are: (1) the greater the dependence of a community on government defense contracting, the greater the probability that a specific group in the community will be formed to cope with this dependency, (2) the more rapid the impact of defense contracting upon the community, the more rapidly will there occur a change in the overall leadership structure of the community, (3) the greater the dependence of a community on defense contracting, the more cohesive the community's leadership will be. The two neighboring communities studies are called Elmwood and Centerville and are located in the Southern California area known as Belhaven Valley. The findings suggest that the defense contracting environment caused changes in the composition, size and rate of turnover in the leadership structures examined. Also, defense contracting also precipitated the creation of a new leadership structure to cope with related contracting issues.

The article presents information on a study that examines community leadership. Two objectives of this study are: (1) to present a rationale for systematically studying the bases of community leadership at both the cultural or normative level and the behavioral level, and (2) to report the findings of a study of the conceptions held by leaders in three communities of the desirable and the actual qualities of community leaders. It was hypothesized that the respondents' perceptions of the real qualities of leaders commonly will differ from their conceptions of the ideal qualities of community leaders. Also, the culture of leadership would emphasize achieved rather than ascribed characteristics of individuals as a basis of leadership. The data used in the report were collected in three city-county community studies. It was concluded that there is a well-defined culture of leadership in these three medium-sized Southern cities. Also, there is a strong evidence from all three communities and all categories of leaders that these community leaders perceive a dissimilarity between the actual qualities of leaders and the qualities they believe the culture prescribes.

This article focuses on location problems associated with the community and industrial development, illustrating a survey-based case study of industrial plant locations in Florida. Results of the survey indicated that it is the moderate-sized firm which is most likely to encounter serious problems in the community in which it settles. The community factor includes such advantages as proximity to raw materials, an extensive local market area, superior community services and facilities as well as the existence of sufficient space for expansion, nearness of plant location to workers' homes, and similar items. Indeed, for a theory of location designed to explain why firms have located in a certain community, all of these elements are suggested to be relevant. The survey to which reference has been made covered 752 firms. The information gathered in the survey points to the probability that the very large or the very small firm is unlikely to experience community difficulties comparable to those of the moderate-sized firm. The most important single factor which, supposedly, influenced the firm to settle in Florida was the existence of a market for its product there and the prospects of substantial growth of that market. The second major factor in leading the firm to a location in Florida had been analyzed to do with costs.

Reports on the distribution of population in the U.S. Sense of history in dealing with residence, migration, socio-economic traits and vital rates; Concept of community; Scheme for the functional classification of cities.

Working class parents' attitudes to their sons' education and future occupations are examined to see if there are variations in line with the embourgeoisement thesis. Parents' aspirations for their sons are higher and their involvement in their tons' education stronger amongst those with a high expenditure on housing, the home and consumer durables, holding constant the `middle classness' of their own backgrounds. Those with higher expenditure of this kind are also more likely to be socially isolated and home-centred in their leisure activities and to evidence greater overlapping of conjugal roles. The more socially isolated and home-centred parents have higher aspirations for their children and greater involvement in their children's education; the involvement of the father in his children's education appears to be particularly important. The mote socially isolated, home-centred parents are also more likely to vote Conservative. The scholastic achievement of the child is the most influential determinant of parental aspirations. The evidence is that the above patterns are not the result of the middle-classness of the parents' home backgrounds, education or work histories. Two interpretations are considered: firstly that these middle class patterns of behaviour are the result of the influence of middle class people, such as the boys' teachers; and secondly that they result from the advantageous effects upon the boy? scholastic achievement of the home environments to be found amongst home-centred families. The two explanations are not regarded as mutually exclusive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The navvies' like interest in, and value of, individual independence affects their social behaviour at work and their social status and relations with society. It would appear that this like interest inhibits not only the growth of common interest groups but even the development of social groups of any kind. Comparisons with other industries provide additional grounds for concluding that the nature of employment determines the pattern of interests and thereby many features of social relations at work and in the community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reports developments on the different chapters in the Council for Exceptional Children (CEC) in the U.S. There are 316 chapters in CEC, ranging in membership from 20 to over 350. Of the total number of chapters, 21 are basically student chapters in which the majority of members are student members of CEC. It offers information about the plans, programs and interest of every chapter for professional and community service.

This article discusses various questions and hypotheses regarding monastic community life and a number of its visible social aspects. There are enough points to serve as a bridge between the monastery and modern society. They indicate the deep apostolic foundation of the monastic life, and with sufficient clarification they will increase its missionary and recruiting capacity. This does not mean that everybody who is impressed by this type of life should be called to live it, but it may be suggested that the larger the number of people who are impressed, the larger the field of recruitment. The image of this life will have to be trimmed from all kinds of persistent, historically-grown, strange and one-sided connotations. The inside worlds of the abbeys should constantly put to themselves the question: what does the modern man and the modern youth think of us? They will receive a more positive reply as the monastic life makes its ideals more visible, and the monastics from their side, break through more actively the communicative isolation in which they are endangered, to come into both our profane and Catholic world. The slogan of Robert Kennedy, Let Us Communicate or Die, presents the monks of our time with the same dilemma which faces both Church and world alike today.

The article explores the need for a systemised structure of the organisation of urban pastoral work. Religious life can find its social basis and offer the experience of community in faith only through human contacts made secure institutionally by an organisation for pastoral care corresponding to the dichotomy of desire for privacy and desire for community life. The urban religious crisis in the industrial age, however, was accompanied from the beginning by the breaking up of the social structures so that the structure of pastoral care inevitably became unsuitable. All pastoral care work in a town must start from the concept of the social fact of the whole town, for only in this way can the personal and social activities that overlap parish boundaries by satisfactorily linked up and combined. There is still lacking in the church organisation an intermediate system between parish and diocese which would permit the simultaneous decentralisation of diocesan responsibilities and the coordination of functions of pastoral care among the individual parishes of the town. The first step in deanery re-organisation under the city church system would be the restriction of the area of the deaneries to that of the actual city. Because the consonance of the social and religious entities has been lost as a result of the urban parish losing its character of primary group, the social and local bonds and contacts must be secured by organisational measures and expedients.

The article presents studies dealing with the multidisciplinary view on the preparation of written clinical psychological reports previously reported from veterans administration installations were repeated in child guidance clinics. Veterans Administration hospitals and clinics represent a setting which, in many respects, is drastically different from a community child guidance clinic. The age of the patients and the fact that their parents are invariably involved in the therapy program represent one major set of differences; another lies in the stress which a child guidance clinic places on the use of the interdisciplinary team.

The article discusses the attitudes toward the mental hospital and selected population characteristics. Historically, mental hospitals have been, in the main, custodial institutions which, if not geographically, are topologically isolated from their town communities. Current literature however, reflects growing awareness of the significance of relationships existing between the hospital and the surrounding town-community. Though far from approaching potential goals, this mental hospital has made substantial progress during the past several years in terms of the transition from a purely custodial to a treatment oriented center. Over-all findings indicate that the town-community has likewise made considerable progress in updating some of its attitudes toward mental illness and its perception of the mental hospital.

The article focuses on about the role of environment in culture and society. One sense of the term environment with which one can be concerned with is the surroundings in which people live. There is another relevant sense of environment, of course, and that is the environment within which the environmental health worker works. In order that the environmental health worker may adjust to the environment in which he works, it is essential that he understands the human part of that environment and learns the limitations it imposes upon him and upon the things he wants to do. The environment in which people live is a part of their culture as well as being something apart from it. The environment is a part of one's culture as well as being something out there apart from it, whether one is living in a particular block in the city or is an environmental health worker trying to do his job. One's actions in relation to the environment are geared to it as a part of one's culture, because one cannot apprehend it or comprehend it except as it becomes a part of one's culture. Now, clearly, what the environment is, and how it is to be evaluated, depends upon the culture of the people evaluating it and perceiving it. The environmental health worker has a special culture belonging to his profession with which he perceives it and evaluates it.

The article examines the power structure in urban center that has, in the past, had differential ties with the hospitals. Whatever else they might have achieved, it is certain that the hospitals have received more than their share of time, attention, donations, and energy from community influentials. The consequences of these differential ties for these hospitals and in terms of their receipt of support from the community in the form of certain important resources and more general community attitudes are somewhat more complex. On only one quantitative measure of support, the monetary index is the association between a hospital's ties with the community power structure and its support position in the direction predicted by the hypothesis. One major problem with which the study was faced was to specify what community support of the hospital meant. This concept was defined broadly as positive, consciously favorable orientations of the community towards the hospital. In an exploratory study of the type reported here it was believed to be desirable to be as eclectic as possible in selecting indices to measure the degree of community support received by a hospital.

The article essays an objective, morphological view of the structure of a mental hospital by means of the application of an ecological frame of reference and methodology. It involves an analysis of the residential patterns of community members who play a role in the functioning of the hospital i.e., patrons, staff, and patients. It provides not only a picture of the place in space carved out by the institution but also some insights into the relationship between its structure and its public image and functioning. The mental institution is a small, privately endowed mental hospital, located in a medium-size New England city. The site consists of a wooded and landscaped tract of 137 acres and a variety of large and small buildings. The article observes that on the one hand, the public image of the hospital is anchored in the relative proportions of the various functionaries and must inevitably stem from the network of communications implicit in their geographical distribution. On the other hand, communication and functions within the organization must bridge the status and occupational barriers nurtured by the twenty-four hour day of all types of participants.

The article discusses characteristics of patient in short-term hospitals in New York City. The data are presented for each hospital ownership group serving the community at large. Enrollment for hospital care insurance rose from 56 per cent of the population in 1952 to 71 per cent in 1958. During the period 1950-1958 the average daily number of general care patients in New York City hospitals increased from 26,800 to 28,000, or 4 per cent. Wards have always admitted a lower proportion of non-residents than the private services of hospitals. Between 1933 and 1957 the proportion of aged in New York City's population rose from 4.5 to 9 per cent. Municipal hospitals have a higher proportion of aged than the wards of voluntary hospitals. Altogether public assistance recipients constitute one-fifth of all public charges in short-term hospitals. Four-fifth of all patient days paid for by government in New York City are therefore, in behalf of the medically indigent. In municipal hospitals the ratio of public charges to public assistance recipients is five and a half to one.

This article focuses on the distribution of hospital beds needed in a region. The regional concept has long influenced the planning of hospital facilities in the United States and elsewhere, and since 1946 its principles have been embodied in the federal law providing grants to states for hospital construction. It is assumed that for common and relatively simple medical conditions, patients will be hospitalized in their home communities and for other complications, they will tend to go to the urban centers. Therefore, planning the bed capacities of hospitals in large, middle-sized and small communities must consider this fact. The National Hospital Survey and Construction Act has regarded each state in the continental United States as a hospital region or a combination of regions and has postulated the desirability of statewide bed supplies of 4.5 to 5.5 beds per 1000 population, depending on population density, the more sparsely settled states being regarded as needing proportionately more beds.

The article presents information on a study which discusses the influence of selected community characteristics on mobility of college educated persons during 1955-1960 in the U.S. The purpose of the study is to identify certain socio-economic characteristics associated with the direction and magnitude of the flow of college graduates. Although it is difficult empirically to separate supply-oriented from demand-oriented variables, a reasonably good proxy of the demand for college graduates in the various markets has been devised for this study. It is, of course, possible that the supply of college graduates such as would be found in a college oriented standard metropolitan statistical areas may determine the demand for their services, and this supply would be affected by factors completely unrelated to their demand. The technique used is the multiple linear regression with the coefficients estimated by the method of least squares. It is assumed that the relationships among the independent variables and the dependent variables are linear, at least within the range of the observed data.

The article focuses on the effect of local and non-local participation on public housings. According to the authors, casual or transient as well as more permanent involvements tend to make competitive claims for a persons loyalty and participation in a community. This resultant buyer's market of social opportunity lays the foundation for high membership turnover and its attendant adverse effect on group cohesion and identification. The central purpose of this article is to test the effect of non- local as well as local voluntary association membership and primary ties as mechanisms for enhancing neighborhood orientation. For this study, neighborhood orientation was conceptualized in terms of the levels of social exchange, particularly the exchange of services and positive regard, among co-residents of a delimited physical and symbolic territory within a community. To investigate this issue, the authors conducted a secondary analysis of data derived from a five percent sample consisting of 525 tenants from the 25 public housing projects located in a large northeastern city.

This article discusses community control of American schools as an ideology and social mechanism. It should be noted at the outset however, that despite a plea for enlightenment, what social scientists say is not likely to be a very important factor in this struggle. By contrast, the attempts of the recent past to improve the racial balance of Northern schools made very extensive use of research findings, often, unfortunately, much exaggerated or seriously misinterpreted. Pressure for proposals involving bussing, pairing, educational parks and other means of improving racial balance came largely from middle-class liberals in the civil rights movement and their allies in intellectual circles. Both the content of the supporting ideology and the training and background of many of its leaders and supporters encouraged heavy use of social science data. At the neighborhood level in many cities, the major emphasis, in keeping with the current mood of increased black assertiveness, is on the right of citizens to control their own institutions.

This article explores the relationship between high and low job status in community action programs (CAP) and the social backgrounds, job experiences, attitudes and perceptions of indigenous nonprofessionals. In recent years, sociologists and social workers have paid considerable attention to the use of indigenous personnel in a variety of social programs. One of the more popular suggestions, the proposal to develop anew careers" for the poor, recommends that the poor be provided with employment mobility through the acquisition of new skills, training, and education. Initial expectations were high that the new program to abolish poverty would, indeed, create new employment opportunities for the poor. However, most employment opportunities available to the poor were one-level jobs--jobs not very different from the old dead-end jobs previously available to this group. More recent cutbacks in funds to the local CAP's have necessitated curtailment of programming and, in some cases, forced lay-offs of poverty employees.

This article describes the perceptions of impact of a rural community action program held by several different components of the population in the U.S. The differential perceptions of the program's impact held by the six sets of respondents may be explored at a more generalized level by combining the responses to the 17 content items into one "general" impact measure and observing the pattern of relationship between this measure and that of "directional" impact derived from the second question put to the respondents. This latter directional measure reflects the percentage of the respondents who felt the program was helping the poor more than it was other segments of the population. The one index of general impact was derived by summing, for each respondent, the coded answers to all 17 items. These sums ranged from 1 where a person answered all items unfavorably to 34 where a favorable response was given to every item. Inspection of the distribution of these scores revealed that the median fell within the score 28.

This article focuses on the need for public participation in policy making in the context of community action program. A measure of the public response can be seen in the advisory boards serving federal, state, and local agencies today. There are literally hundreds of such boards, concerned with a variety of public programs and the agencies that administer them. The agency-clientele relationships represented have a range of policy impacts, but to categorize them as merely legitimizing instruments for agency-defined policy is to underestimate many of them. But welfare agencies seem to have been less successful than other governmental agencies in bringing their clientele groups into participation in defining and articulating needs, and in developing programs to meet these needs. The impersonal mechanics utilized by bureaucracy are accepted and well understood by most members of society. But they are alien and confusing to the disadvantaged, who tend to relate to one another on a personal basis. Bureaucracy to them is cold and unfeeling, and its language is strange and unintelligible.

This article focuses on the trade-off strategy in community research. Most recently, some of the more sophisticated and highly organized low-income communities have developed a modus operandi with outside researchers. It is rooted in the very capitalistic system in which both the poor and the professional live. The human service professions have not been unresponsive to this emerging characteristic of low-income communities. Professional service programs involving low-income people as assistants to professionals and as links between the professional service and the recipients of these services are rapidly being developed. Traditionally, the researcher's approach to the community process has been objective, detached, silent-striving for invisibility. The researcher's model of work has been based on at least the following two values: maximizing the gathering of relevant data and minimizing the contamination of the processes being observed. The immediate objective of this strategy is to set up a symbiotic relationship between the two parties--researchers and the low-income community--which will result in mutual gain.

Examines the personality of corporations and associations that are present in every sphere of human activity. Purpose of giving personality to the corporation; Associations that are technically not corporations; Improvement of the legal practice on legal theory.

The article presents a study, which outlines an example of mental patients' fears of resuming independent living in the community as a result of the debilitating effects of institutionalism. Attempts to combat these negative elements were undertaken in this study by simulating independent living within the confines of a psychiatric service. However, the strong patient resistance encountered indicated that this is a difficult problem area, which deserves much continued attention and study. On the basis of this experience, it is suggested that future investigators not be deterred nor surprised by the lack of initial patient response.