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This article presents a review of data in literature about measurement of U.S. human capital loss in Southeast Asia. Philip Eden measures the human capital losses to U.S. society resulting from casualties in the Vietnam war by defining societal loss in terms of the present values of forgone life-time earnings of fatalities and the totally disabled in the war. A very similar approach is adopted in a simultaneous paper by B. F. Kiker and Jon Birkeli. Eden offers his paper as a case study in human capital evaluation specifically designed as a means of stimulating discussion of these problems. Eden justifies the inclusion of the personal consumption of casualties on the grounds that he is trying to measure the economic consequence of a political policy to our society as a whole. But this only begs the question, since the central issue is how society should be defined for the purpose at hand. Kiker and Birkeli are clearer on this matter: Since we define society to include the group whose value is being determined, we can capitalize expected gross earnings foregone to estimate human capital loss. J. M. Clark posed the question at issue very clearly: has the nation, since the war--and this means ultimately the individuals who have composed it since the War--been richer or poorer by the loss of life and health due to the War, and how much? This would appear to be the problem with which the papers by Eden and by Kiker and Birkeli are concerned, but for which the estimation models used seem inappropriate.

The article presents information about various international conferences and seminars, held as of September 1, 1964. A Conference on Customary Law in Southeast Asia was held in Singapore under auspices of the Association of Southeast Asian Institutions of Higher Learning on April 27, 1964. The focus of the conference was primarily the preliminary analysis of the role of customary law in relation to the family structure, to modernization and to positive law in Southeast Asia and its environs. Convened under auspices of the Social Sciences Centre, Athens and financed by the Greek Government and UNESCO, this significant conference continued a tradition begun by the Wenner-Gren Foundation at Burg Wartenstein in 1959 and continued by the Centre in July of 1961.

This article is a revised version of an earlier paper presented at the Ninth Seminar on "Personality and Motivation in Chinese Society" sponsored by the Subcommittee on Research on Chinese Society of the Joint Committee on Contemporary China of the Social Science Research Council and the American Council of Learned Societies. The study is part of a larger research on Chinese youth in Southeast Asia.

A conference paper about the concerns of student activism for university administration in the Southeast Asia. It discusses the effects of education and its implications on the activities of students in Asian universities and colleges, the role of universities in the society, and the characters of students and its significance on student activities. It also discusses the styles of administration in the Asian universities.

It seems doubtful whether one could give a satisfactory picture of the city in Asia as being different from that in other parts of the world. It may be argued that the differences between cities in Asia are so striking that it may be believed that there will be relatively few common features, and perhaps more similarity of some of them with cities outside this region. This may be true, it is therefore the purpose in this paper to see whether there is any common bond among cities in non-homogeneous societies rather than to see whether there is anything typically Asian in the cities in this part of the world. The phenomenon of urbanization is very important in Asia, although the extent of urbanism is still the lowest in the world, except Africa. The rapid growth, as well as the colonial situation in Southeast Asia, has led to the lack of homogeneity. The heterogeneity of Asian cities is already shown physically when one considers the striking differences, not only between the different quarters but also within the quarters. The problem of Asian cities is that their growth did not take place around a well-organized, socially and physically settled, strong nucleus, which already had a long history behind it as an important urban center. The typical combination of rural and urban life, each in multifarious ways, makes for the heterogeneity of cities in Southeast Asia and for their continuous contact with the countryside through the steady stream of new migrants who seek a living since the rural areas cannot support them any more.

Starting with the concept of "middleman minorities" developed by Blalock (1967 79-84), encompassing such groups as the Chinese in Southeast Asia, Jews in Europe, and Indians in East Africa, this paper presents a model which tries to explain the development and persistence of the form. A key variable is the orientation of immigrants towards their place of residence, with sojourning at first, and later a "stranger" orientation affecting the solidarity and economic activity of the ethnic grout. These in turn arouse the hostility of the host society, which perpetuates a reluctance to assimilate completely, or "stranger" status. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the transformation of commercial policy in Western economic institutions under the impact of economic nationalism in Southeast Asia. The paper's thesis is that commercial policy in postwar Southeast Asia is intelligible in terms of the economic content of nationalism, rather than in terms of efforts to accelerate economic growth. In the first section, international trade theory is discussed, including ideas about economic policy and processes of economic growth. The author then discusses the assessment of the developmental content of an economic policy. Commercial policy in postwar Southeast Asia is detailed.

The countries of Southeast Asia present, in their long historical development, a picture of continuous interaction of indigenous and foreign values and influences, sometimes nullifying each other, sometimes leading to local syntheses. Sociologically this interaction has perhaps been most apparent in changes in social stratification. In the present paper, an effort will be made to describe these changes in Indonesia, although it is hoped that these observations may have value for the area as a whole. Broadly speaking Indonesian societies may be divided into two groups. First, there is a diminishing number that still preserve their traditional and varied social structures, with their own social levels, and their traditional cohesiveness. The second group consists of those societies whose structures have in varying degrees been altered as a result of non-Indonesian influences, including Hindu, Islamic, and Western civilizations. No clear line divides the two groups; each society in the vast Indonesian archipelago must be evaluated by itself in order to determine how far foreign influences have penetrated and to what extent a new and different social class system has emerged side by side with the old, or as in a few cases, has wholly supplanted the old.

South-East Asians who are being interviewed will express only views which they think the interviewer or investigator wants to hear is one of the most commonly held stereotypes relative to the difficulties of conducting opinion and market surveys in nine countries of South-East Asia. In this study emphasis is placed in this discussion on the influence of courtesy on the respondent's answers and behavior. Two basic attitudes related to courtesy which must be overcome by interviewer training are: The desire to help the respondent, and the tendency to retreat in the face of a possible refusal by a person of higher status. A defense must also be built against the interviewer's courteous behavior towards a person of status. It is hoped that nothing in this paper will suggest that more than a beginning in research has been made in South-East Asia both in the conduct of opinion and market research surveys themselves and in controlled experiments directed towards the elimination of the effects of the courtesy bias.

The economic history of Southeast Asia reveals an association between two parallel forces: (1) the development of the export crops, mainly the plantations, and (2) the large-scale migration of Chinese and Indian labor into the growing export economies, notably, Burma, Ceylon, Malaysia, and Indonesia. Students of regional economic development have inferred a mutual chain of causation between these two forces. On the one hand, the rapid growth of commercial crops has been attributed to the inflow of labor from India and China. On the other, the inducement offered by these export crops to population movements have also been a major thesis of migration studies. The present paper inquires into this second aspect through an econometric analysis of migration, limited to the specific case of Indo-Ceylon movements during the period 1920-38. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Urbanization and the expansion of political participation beyond the traditional village level of organization appear to be closely related. The growth in importance, size, and functions of the city and its population tends to trigger the process whereby the ascriptive value patterns and practices of the countryside are supplanted by achievement-oriented, modernized ones. In contrast to the behavior patterns that characterize traditional, rural societies, moreover, the city represents a center of new activities practiced by a new social class; in economic terms, the growth of urban areas tends to be synonymous with the transition from tradition to modernity. What can be called modernization's "take-off" in politics as well begins in the urban areas and is sustained by the dynamics of their growth. But modernization and urbanization do not always go hand in hand. The objective of this paper is to develop a hypothesis to describe the impact that the pattern of urban growth and development has had on political participation in Southeast Asian societies. The central thesis this article suggests is that urban growth in Southeast Asia has not contributed to the modernization of the region's politics. It will be suggested that the pre- and postindependence pattern of urban growth in Southeast Asia was characterized by the emergence, initially of a migrant Chinese fragment which in turn stimulated the development of what can be called a folk or native fragment. The confrontation between these two fragments, it is hypothesized, will limit the impact that the growth of urban areas can have on expanding political participation in Southeast Asia. In the course of this analysis it will also be suggested that the concept of the fragment provides a series of important insights into the relationship between modernization and urbanization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a study on ethnic complexity and ethnic relations in an East-Coast Malay town. This paper embodies two general theses. The first is that in complex, polyethnic--plural societies --ethnic relations and ethnic processes such as assimilation and acculturation will be determined at least in part by factors, which are local in nature. The second thesis is that an understanding of ethnic phenomena in local contexts requires that one book not only at first order ethnic identities and loyalties and the cultural values which these imply but also at the concrete, real interests and bases of accommodation and conflict of the groups involved. Both of these theses are less than startling but they serve among other things to call attention to the fact that in Southeast Asia in general and in Malaya (West Malaysia) in particular the main focus of interest in ethnic phenomena has been national and general rather than regional and concrete. To elaborate, although Malaya constitutes one of the more notable examples of a plural society, ethnic relations in the country have not been well described or analyzed from a number of perspectives.

Among available economic data of less developed countries, foreign trade statistics are known to be most reliable and are used extensively. This paper, concentrating on Southeast Asian countries, examines the extent and variation of discrepancy in export and import recordings of their own and of their trading partners. The ratio of corresponding trade records exhibit varying heights and irregular patterns suggesting a larger degree of inaccuracy than generally assumed. Inter-Asian trade of Southeast Asian countries show a greater discrepancy than that of their trade with developed countries, and the trade ratio variance of the former is significantly larger than that of the latter at the 5% level. The rank coefficient of correlation between the level of discrepancy and the absolute size of trade value is found to be insignificant for most countries. Also the adjustment of trade figures by exchange rate overvaluation does not narrow the inconsistency in the bilateral trade recordings. The recordings of commodity-by-country trade data show a larger discrepancy than that of total trade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on motivational patterns in Southeast Asia with special reference to the Chinese case. The motivational concerns, which favor economic and social modernization, are more prominent in the Communist Chinese stories than in the China-Taiwan stories at nearly every point. The greater impact of the Revolution on the Mainland is really not surprising: Communism has always stressed the importance of ideology, of propaganda, of whipping up enthusiasm for a new regime whereas the Western democracies have generally been cautious about trying to influence directly the values of countries they help materially. The Chinese case suggests that ideas are in fact more important in shaping history than purely materialistic arrangements. The ideological fervor, which the Russians exported to China, has been more influential in modernizing the country than all the material aid that the Western democracies have exported so far either to China-Taiwan or other countries like India. This is just one piece of evidence to support the growing conviction among social scientists that it is values, motives, or psychological forces that determine ultimately the rate of economic and social development.

Examines the role of agricultural products and factor markets in agricultural development in Southeast Asia. Problems of product market structure and performance; Stages of development surplus agricultural production; Aspects of marketing associated with international trade; Alternative ways of organizing the logistical support for input markets.

The article focuses on the study of the destruction in Indochina after the war conducted by the Stanford Biology Study Group. The report aims to evaluate the extent and seriousness of the said destruction. The people in Southeast Asia whose area has been part of the destruction have been subjected to intense deprivation and sufferings up to this time. Social destruction concerning the ecological damage in Southeast Asia and its effect on people living there is also discussed in the study. It stresses that U.S. policies are destroying the Vietnamese culture and social organization. Long-term effects and aftermath of the said destruction were evaluated in the study.

This article discusses a study which examined the distribution of religious preferences among either the Chinese or non-Chinese in Southeast Asia. Several sets of materials were collected for the study by means of large-scale sample surveys. Southeast Asia contains multi-racial, multi-religious and multi-language societies. This diversity makes it difficult to analyze religious patterns in the area. Chinese in Southeast Asia do not constitute a homogeneous religious population. Pluralism tends to characterize all the communities, but the pattern of pluralism varies considerably. To some, this pluralism is no doubt a reflection of the traditional Chinese ecleticism. A person's personal religious identification is at best only a superficial indicators of the beliefs he holds, the rituals he practices, the deeds he performs and the degree to which he is aware of his religion's teachings and the extent to which he patterns his life after them. Regardless of the indicator of religious preference or identification that is used, these figures indicate major inter-community differences in the religious composition of Chinese communities and, furthermore, these differences suggest that there has been a trend away from some traditional religious features of Chinese culture.

Universities in the newly independent countries of Asia and Africa are in many ways excellent units for sociological analysis. This is particularly true in countries like Indonesia, Ceylon, Ghana and Burma where one or two high-prestige universities virtually monopolize the recruitment of select youth into the highest levels of the educational system. From such a position of advantage the university has assumed and still assumes great importance in terms of the recruitment of potential elites. Thus, the university in this context is crucially and comprehensively representative, that is, its students are drawn from all principal age, ethnic, economic, religious, sex and social groups and that these are the recruits who will become members of a technical, political or administrative elite. In Indonesia during the first dozen years of independence, two universities have dominated the educational scene the University of Indonesia in Djakarta, Indonesia, and Gadjah Mada University in Jogjakarta. Enrollments have shown a marked increase in the number of women. The rise in female enrollment is of course not surprising in a Southeast Asian country where in the past educational degrees were regarded as having little value for the fairer sex. However, almost 7 % of this rise is due to the fact that the formerly advantaged social classes are now sending all their daughters to higher schools where in colonial times and during the first half decade of independence only one or two eldest sons were encouraged to go on to the university.

Examines major issues concerning the loss of customs revenue in a Southeast Asian customs union. Impact of customs revenue loss on the economy of less-developed countries; Impact of a free trade arrangement on revenues; Typical pattern of import duties.

The present article is concerned with some selected patterns of western influence in Indonesia, particularly in relation to certain aspects of government, economic life, religion and contemporary literature. Southeast Asia as a whole is a region as yet too diverse in its social and cultural traits to admit of a specific overall analysis. In the adoption of western ideas or western technology Indonesians rarely digested what they adopted or rarely were willing to probe into the broad cultural factors that made the technology possible. Many assumed a western mode of behavior, or made use of western implements at home and at work, yet they remained faithful to tradition in numerous ways. For a long time to come Indonesia will have to cope with a marginal culture, with rootless individuals who search for some cohesion in their existence and who are prone to seek the solution of their problems in the espousal of extremist, highly authoritarian patterns of government and social behavior.

The article focuses on delayed industrialization in southeast Asia. Southeast is part of an economy in which there is a closer approximation to the prerequisites of laissez faire capitalism than is to be found anywhere else in the world. Free trade prevails throughout the area. Men are free to move from one part of the region to another in search of opportunity, retaining always their national citizenship and guaranteed the rights of local citizenship wherever they choose to settle. Factors responsible for the poverty in south east Asia are, low productivity of manpower in southern agriculture, the high rate of natural increase of the southern farm population, the past and continuing high rate of soil erosion and soil depletion. Other factors being lack of capital, educational deficiencies, health deficiencies, lack of skills for nonfarm pursuits, the South's infant industry status, inadequate local market demand and adjustments required by increased rate of farm mechanization. The diffusion of capitalism widens geographical differentials in levels of living as long as people in areas of advanced capitalism increase their equipment per worker and improve their organization faster than people in less developed areas.

The purpose of this article is to make a few tentative comments on current sociological and socio-historical findings related to the Chinese minority position in South-East Asia. Since the achievement of independence by all South-East Asian nations in the decade of 1950, which coincided with the emergence of a powerful Chinese Communist State on the mainland of Asia and the withdrawal of the Chinese Nationalist government to Taiwan, scholars have discovered the existence of a Third China. It is all those Chinese minorities which, long before colonial times, have settled in Nanyang, the area of Southern Seas, from China's border states to New Guinea and the remote Tanimbar Islands of Indonesia. Twelve or thirteen million ethnic Chinese, neither Communists as on the mainland nor Nationalists as in Taiwan, share a common way of life distinct from the indigenous cultures of host nations form an inconsiderable proportion of the total population of the region of roughly 230 million, in proportions varying from country to country. They also share another common trait in each country they exercise an important economic role.

The central government of a developing country assumes the primary responsibility for national development but local government also has its share to contribute. Indeed, national development is not likely to succeed without a genuine partnership between the two. An analysis of the present state of local government reveals basic weaknesses and modernization is necessary in the interest of efficiency and development. Community development has also proved to be an effective means of promoting self help and fostering national development through local government. Before assessing the role of local government in national development in South-East Asia, a few words on the relationship of government in general to development may be useful. In this respect, a distinction may be drawn between so called developed and developing countries. As experience has shown, much of the economic development of industrialized countries has been due to the initiative, capital and management deployed in the private sector. This does not mean, however that government in such countries has been entirely indifferent to economic development.

The article discusses various issues related to race relations in South-East Asia with reference to Chinese. Authors proposes in this survey to illustrate some of the problems which have arisen by dealing with the case of the Overseas Chinese, who, by their numbers and economic and political importance, have occasioned a body of writing which must have its interest for students of race relations. But the Overseas Chinese are not the only illuminating case offered by South-East Asia. They are paralleled to some extent by the Indians, the Eurasians pose the problem of the stranded remnants of foreign overlordship, in the indigenous minorities authors had illustrations of the difficulties arising from the attempts to integrate religious, cultural, and racial groups into modernizing state-communities. Authors' rapid survey of the Chinese in South-East Asia has assumed so far that the Chinese in each country form a self-contained unit with its own problems. In fact, it is only by accepting nationalist prejudices that one could continue to hold this view. The erection of national barriers, across which men, goods, and money can travel often only with difficulty, is historically recent, it imposes a new immobility on the Chinese which obscures what remains of their old regional ties.