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The article presents comments on sociologist Bernard C. Go's paper "The Chinese in the Philippines: Facts and Fancies," which was published in the October 1972 issue of the "Philippine Sociological Review." The author agrees with many of Go's conclusions, notably with his statements that the Chinese no longer dominate the Philippine economy nor do they control it, that not all the Chinese in the Philippines are rich, that the Philippine Chinese community is not a fertile ground for the spread of communist ideology, that Chinese girls are willing to marry Filipinos, that never before in the history, be cause of the changes that have taken place, has the prospect of integrating and assimilating the Chinese into the mainstream of Filipino society appeared brighter than it does today. Chinese in the Philippines are far from homogeneous. Because of the existence of disparate factions sometimes working at cross purposes, the Chinese are not a monolithic group, nor are they united. However, one cannot deny the fact that the Chinese, especially the China-born, are clannish in the sense that they continue to cling to their family, clan, village, and district associations.

The article presents comments on sociologist Bernard C. Go's paper "The Chinese in the Philippines: Facts and Fancies," which was published in the October 1972 issue of the "Philippine Sociological Review." Some 30 or more years ago, the Chinese may have dominated a big portion of the retail trade but, as Go has emphasized, they never did control the economy of the nation. With the Retail Trade Nationalization Law in full force and effect for the past 18 years, Chinese domination of this facet of the economy has become a thing of the past. At the rate Filipinos are taking over retail business in the Philippines, it would not be presumptuous to assume that, perhaps 10 years from now, Chinese retailers in the Philip- pines will have been reduced to a minimum number, or entirely wiped out. The economy is made up of interdependent parts. It includes commerce, industry, agriculture, mining, servicing, and other sectors. Commerce alone embraces the retail and wholesale market and import and export trade. The Chinese investments in this country are mainly in commerce, including retail, wholesale, import, and export.

Presents several abstracts related to geography. "The Distribution of White Settlement in Kenya," by Donald R. Petterson; "Early Chinese Settlement in Borneo," by Tsuen-Kung Chang; "Patterns and Problems of Land Tenure in the Lesser Antilles: Example of Antigua," by John P. Augelli.

Comments on articles about diffusion of technology. Information on the economic transformation of Manchuria, China; Economic and non-economic factors in technology diffusion.

The article offers various United Nations atomic energy news. The United Nations Atomic Energy Commission met on September 10 and 11, 1947 and adopted the second report to the Security Council. The nations who voted in favor of the report are Australia, France, United States, Brazil, Canada, and China. Russia rejected the report, and Poland abstained. The proposals submitted by Russia involves the investigation of mining and production facilities and accounting of atomic materials, and the conduct of investigations in case of violation of the weapons ban.

The article presents a study on the amount news space alloted to foreign news and the types, pattern and flow of foreign news disseminated by Arab daily newspapers. The study uses content analysis and quantitative analysis of sample newspaper. Results reveal that over 50% of the news in all papers is political and the U.S. as well as Russia are given the greatest amount of coverage, followed by China and Great Britain. It adds that the direction of Arab coverage of foreign news can be expalined by various criteria, such as the attitude of foreign country to the Arab-Israeli problem.

The article takes a look at the American attitudes toward Japan and China in 1937-38. The Chinese Cultural Society of New York published in October 1937 a reprint of 39 editorials from American papers on the Far Eastern crisis. The editor, M. Hsitien Lin wrote in the foreword "Of some 5,000 editorials which have been examined, there is none that justifies Japanese aggression or condemns Chinese resistance. In the American press Japan is almost universally treated as the aggressor and China as the victim in the undeclared war. As to American policy, the press generally favors neither extreme isolationism nor political entanglements or alliances, but a golden mean, whereby world peace, it is hoped, may be maintained." The present study is designed to test the validity of this impression as well as to test the utility of a method of attitude measurement by press sampling. It is impossible here to enter into a discussion of the relationship between beliefs as to facts and emotional attitudes such as are measured by the indices used, except to suggest that attitudes, which are at first accompanied by emotions, may in time become beliefs regarding "facts" which are taken for granted.

Between the end of the Canton Crisis of 181-15, and the Bank of England Crisis of 1825, the financial usages of European houses in China had become better defined. Increased reliance and valuations upon negotiable paper instruments of finance were apparent. Quite apart from the extensive use of the East India Co.'s remittance paper as negotiable in India and China, the provision of private credit facilities for private trade in India and China were now explicit. Records of short-term lending on the spot and deposit accounts were now in evidence. The individual consigner of Indian cottons and opium who surveyed on a large scale for the China market could now also obtain direct credit backing from China agencies, albeit at the exorbitant rate of ten to 12 per cent. Indian agents of the China houses were also encouraging and financing groups of small investors under joint consignment accounts. In turn, the China houses now had sizeable credit accounts with their London, England, agents, which they covered by the periodic hypothecation of China goods to the United States. For a good many years the London money crisis of 1825-6 was slowly but clearly building up. In the build-up of the crisis conditions, the Bank of England was not above blame. Some China houses had not yet reached this level of rationale in their financial affairs, but the new mood of independence was symptomatic of the important changes through which the system was undergoing.

The present paper summarizes papers given at the 8th International Family Research Seminar in Oslo, Norway, 1963, which describe and explain differential frequencies of those decisions to marry which result in teenage marriage. Sociological analysis of marriage usually points out that age at marriage varies with the type of society and, therefore, reflects the stage of industrialization and urbanization. The lowest ages at marriage are generally found in peasant agricultural countries, such as India and China. During the rapid growth phase of urban industrial nations, age at marriage apparently rises, but later the age at marriage once again turns downward, though not rapidly. One way of viewing trends of teenage marriage is in terms of the percentage of males and females under 20 years of age involved in marriages contracted. During 1961, in 6% of all marriages contracted in Yugoslavia one or both spouses were under the age of 18. However, in such marriages the wife was under 18 years of age in 91 % of the cases, the husband in only 9 %. From 1953-1961 there was a gradual decrease in the percentage married under 18 years from 6.6 % to 6.0 %.

This paper discusses the Chinese indoctrination methods for prisoners of war (POW). In the wars of the last 50 to 100 years, American soldiers who fell into enemy hands experienced a variety of physical and emotional hardships, but the Chinese have made the first major attempt to produce defectors and collaborators among American POWs and to indoctrinate them in an alien political ideology. The article does not propose to consider the Chinese aims in conducting this enterprise, nor does it discuss in any detail how the indoctrination program affected men. Instead, this paper will present a brief account of the specific experiences of the POWs from the time they were captured until the time they were repatriated. To some extent, it will be possible to present a chronological account. It should be pointed out, however, that most of the significant experiences were occurring contemporaneously. Therefore, it has been chosen to organize them into some social psychological categories rather than simply to recount them as they occurred.

The article presents authors' comments on two research papers on economic development of China by economists Ta-Chung Liu, Kung-Chia Yeh and Alexander Eckstein. In his paper Eckstein has argued that the Chinese followed in Soviet footsteps of concentrating on capital-intensive industrial projects during their First Five Year Plan. During the Second Five Year Plan, however, they opened up a second front of labor-intensive investments in both industry and agriculture, thereby embracing technological dualism. The article discusses in brief Eckstein's underestimation of the Soviet rate of investment, the extent of "technological dualism" in underdeveloped areas and the reason for disparities between China and the Soviet Union in labor productivity growth rates. Moreover, the article asserts that paper of professors Liu and Yeh is a major contribution to the literature on Communist China. It is a study, which is a short-run contribution sheds light on specific economic developments in China from 1949 to present, and in a long-run contribution pointedly reminds that there is nothing so basic or central to economics as its' principles.

The article presents information on the beginning of credit finance on the China coast. The volume and area of the Chinese trade in private hands expanded as the English East India Company abandoned its Indian trade monopoly in 1813 and its China trade monopoly in 1834. The market for Chinese goods in the United States also developed, at first on the initiative of the American houses on the Atlantic seaboard and then with the connivance of English agency houses. Western finance on the Chinese Coast at the time was confined almost exclusively to the entrepreneurial context of trade, hence it was from the extension of trade that advances were made in methods of finance. The eastward expansion of the China trade to the Atlantic seaboard of the United States brought China traders into the financial orbit of Philadelphia (in the twenties) and New York. The crisis of 1812-1815 forced the China houses to experiment with private bills and, after the crisis, to develop their use. It also illustrated the main elements upon which the earlier China trade was based, and the weaknesses of large scale and expanding trade operations entirely based upon bullion movements.

The main objectives of our paper are to examine economic, political, social, demographic, and professional factors in the United States and Taiwan which may account for Chinese scholars' decisions to stay in the United States or their reluctance to return to Taiwan. Our paper is divided into five sections. Sections I and II provide background and definition of terms used in the paper. Sections III and IV present data and statistical analysis. The final section summarizes the findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to show that in spite of the favorable factors, the Schultz hypothesis remains plausible for a newly settled region; that is, no significant growth of agricultural productivity may be expected for the region in the long run if production is based on traditional factors. To support the argument an attempt is made to derive an agricultural productivity index through constructing aggregate output and input indices for the northeastern region of China—Manchuria. The region has an area approximately equal to that of the states of Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Michigan, and Minnesota combined. After it was open to immigration in the late nineteenth century, agricultural population rose from half a million in the 1880s to 20 million in the mid-1920s and 34 million in 1957. The increase was largely derived from the expansion of traditional inputs. Manchuria, therefore, provided a typical case of newly settled traditional agriculture. Section II outlines the approach employed to derive the productivity index for Manchurian agriculture. Section III presents the principal findings. An interpretation of these findings is contained in section IV. Section V is a short summary of conclusions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cultural traits from China have been slowly entering Europe for more than two thousand years. Some of these, such as gunpowder, the compass and paper have been of outstanding importance while others have created but passing fads. It is impossible to identify all of the influences of Chinese origin which have entered European culture during this long period. Even in the case of clearly recognized Chinese traits the records are inadequate as to many of the details of their westward journey. Despite the incompleteness of our knowledge, a brief survey of the existing in formation throws light on some aspects of European cultural history and on some of the mechanisms of diffusion. There were four main periods of contact between China and the West. The first was the era of silk trade with Rome and the ancient Mediterranean world which lasted from the first century B.C. to the middle of the sixth century A.D. The rise of the Arab Empire in the seventh century began a long period of relations between China and the Near East in which the Moslem world acted partially as a barrier but also as an intermediary between China and Europe. The Mongol Empire of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries made possible brief direct contacts of Europe with China. Modem relations of China and the West began with the Age of Discoveries in the sixteenth century.

The press in communist China is essentially a political instrument with which the regime conducts socialist and communist education among the masses. During the last few years the regime has developed the press into a specialized apparatus with each of its parts designed to reach a specific audience and to serve a definite function. The author says that with a regular readership comprising a majority of the vast population, the press is indeed the most important instrument used by the regime in the conduct of socialist and communist education. The performance of the press, therefore, may well determine the pace and even the success or failure of the communists' adventure in remolding the Chinese people's ideology. To ensure maximum effectiveness and absolute political reliability, the regime has found it necessary to put this giant press apparatus under rigid control and close supervision. Through organizational control the regime determines the structural setup of the press. It is the regime that decides when, where, and how many newspapers should be founded.

This paper is to study the demand for money during the Chinese inflation of 1945-49. Based on the Chinese experience, the results confirm the hypothesis that during hyperinflation the expected rate of change in prices is the most important variable in the demand function for money. The estimated value of the coefficient of cash balances adjustment close is close to one. Thus, the assumption that the desired level of real cash balances tends to equal the actual level during hyperinflation is supported. This study, based on the Chinese experience, confirms the hypothesis that, during hyperinflation the expected rate of change in prices is the most important variable in the demand function for money (Cagan 1956). Although the velocity of money increased during the hyperinflation, the demand function for money is predictable if the model includes the variable of the expected rate of change in prices. Furthermore, the magnitudes of the parameters in the estimated demand function indicate that the hyperinflation in China was not self-generating, that is, independent of money supply. This study has also investigated the assumption of a lag in the adjustment of real cash balances through the process of hyperinflation. The empirical findings suggest that the value of the coefficient of adjustment is close to one. Thus, the assumption that the desired level of real cash balances tends to equal the actual level during hyperinflation is supported. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]