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The article presents findings of a study on the Indonesian minority in Surinam. Approximately 20 percent of the population of Surinam is Indonesian. According to the study, they are one of the largest ethnic groups in the heterogeneous population of this Latin-American colony. The Indonesian community has existed in Surinam for more than half a century but little assimilation with Creoles, Negroes, Hindustani or other groups has occured. Due to the establishment of national independence in its country of origin and the contemplated autonomy for Surinam itself, the difficulties in which the Indonesian minority finds itself constitute an important source of social conflict in the area.

The first of three special studies of internal migration, 1935-40, made by the U.S. Census on the basis of the 1940 Census of Population, makes possible some analysis of migration to the U.S. from foreign countries and overseas possessions of the U.S. These two categories are not separately tabulated in the volume referred to nor is the country of origin given. These immigrants of 1935-40 were earning their way in America. The proportions seeking work were relatively low. Sixty-one percent of the total number of males, 35.8 per cent of the females, were gainfully employed. Moreover, these immigrants were not the proverbial ditch diggers and track layers of the earlier migrations. Only 10.8 percent of the males and 2.2 per cent of the females were laborers, including farmer laborers. Nearly one third of the females were, however, in domestic service. But 15.1 per cent of the males and 19.4 per cent of the females were employed in the professional and semi-professional categories. These were sharply higher proportions in these categories than for the population as a whole.

The article presents announcements regarding the publications of the social science journal "International Social Science Journal." The purpose of the quarterly journal, which started in January 1967, is to provide access-comprehensive, rapid, selective-to the literature in language and language behavior, whatever the disciplinary focus, whatever the country of origin, whatever the language. More than 6oo journals in more than twenty languages and twenty-one disciplines are now regularly screened. Language and language behavior abstracts covers exhaustively articles that report: studies in which the independent variables, or both, are verbal; studies whose experimental design parallels those employed in language studies; general theoretical contributions in 21 disciplines; studies influenced by these theoretical contributions. A list of 21 disciplines included in the journal has been presented in the article.

The resettlement of displaced persons from Eastern Europe on sugar and cotton plantations in Louisiana and Mississippi presents serious problems of accommodation and adjustment. This paper reports the findings of a study made during the first year of the program. It shows the demographic characteristics of DP's scheduled for the two states and describes their conditions of work and living. The conclusion is drawn that a considerable proportion of the DP's appeared to be well accommodated. The success of their resettlement is believed to be largely due to the fact that mechanization and diversification of agriculture in the region result in a demand for that kind of labor which the DP's represent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This report is primarily concerned with a pilot exploration of some of the explicit and implicit social mechanisms which have caused the present and observable trends in the community of Solvang as evidenced in social structure, value orientation, and rate of the ethnic assimilation. The small Danish-American community of Solvang is located in the Santa Ynez Valley of Southern California. Solvang was founded in 1910 by a group of Danish educators. The community of Solvang, in the years from 1910 to 1937, expanded into a residential settlement for Danish immigrants and their descendants. As the population of Solvang increased there was a gradual shift from the social-idealistic philosophy of the founding fathers to a more practical and economically rewarding turist-commercial orientation. Solvang eventually became well known as a unique and attractive tourist attraction. Tourist shops, Danish bakeries, and numerous similar ethnic enterprises soon occupied the minds of many Solvang residents. With time, as the community grew, there was a gradual decline of interest in the school that did not provide its students with any formal degree or diploma.

The author's initial purpose in "Structure and Values in the Explanation of Acculturation Rates" was to evaluate the explanatory power of S. Alexander Weinstock's theory of acculturation. Upon finding the theory's explanatory power limited, the author attempted to discover the reasons for the limitation, and to offer suggestions for their removal. These issues remain center to the argument at hand. Since the author was focusing attention upon the strength and adequacy of the theory, his evaluation was directed to the composition of parts within the theory. This type of evaluation does not embody an inductive perspective whereby people examine the quality of the research design employed in the construction or test of a theory, nor is it directed to examining whether the generalizations accurately represent the empirical cases upon which they are said to be based. Rather, it is a deductive approach directed to studying how well the component parts of a theory extend to the variables under consideration. Hence, the selection of methods employed by Mr. Weinstock for obtaining and measuring data-e.g., on value-orientation as a variable-are quite irrelevant to the argument. What is important is, firstly, how concepts which refer to the variables were used and related within the body of the theory, and, secondly, how well the propositions generally account for patterns of behaviour. What the author is attempting to emphasize here is that accounting for a factor in the research design is not the same as accounting for the same factor within the theory, and, moreover, the presence and adequacy of the former does not insure the presence and adequacy of the latter.

The author was pleased to see that his article "Role Elements: A Link between Acculturation and Occupational Status" stimulated Ronald J. Silvers to further consideration of the problems of acculturation. Mr. Silver's main criticism of my view of acculturation is that it takes into account only structural factors, or in other words, that it fails to pay attention to volitional and other factors which he lumps together under the headings economic, political, religious, etc. He concludes, therefore, that according to his theory, the actor resembles a stiff, mechanical organism responding only to an external social environment. Had he troubled himself to examine the data carefully, he would have seen that the author did in fact test his sample for such factors as authoritarianism, acquiescence, scatter, extremity, need-achievement, Machiavellianism and major value orientations. These psychological and value dimensions were measured independent of the degree of acculturation by means of the F Scale, the V Scale, the Mach IV Scale. In addition, to the author's interview with each respondent, provided him with extensive information on his family background and on his own and his family's religious and political beliefs both in the U.S. and in Hungary. Moreover, one of the subscales he used as a measure of acculturation, the dependent variable after all, did take into account volition, i.e. the individuals desire to become an American.

Presents an introduction to the July 1, 1959 issue of the journal "Sociological Review."

No one will quarrel with the assertion that social existence is controlled existence, for all accept a certain basic assumption about human nature namely, that without some constraint of individual leanings the coordination of action and regularity of conduct which turn a human aggregation into a society could not materialize. It is thus true to say that "the concept of social control brings to the focus of sociology and its perpetual problem--the relation of the social order and the individual being, the relation of the unit and the whole." The question arises where this control resides. Clearly, the social order as such already constrains or controls; institutions, mores, patterned relationships, and all the other constituents of social existence prescribe modes of thought and action and hence canalize and curb individual leanings. Yet the fact that institutions, mores, and so forth, operating as they do upon potentially intractable human material, can maintain themselves and have stability suggests that there must be further controls, safeguarding their continuance.

U.S. legislators could have cited any number of good reasons for restricting immigration from Southern and Eastern Europe through the passage of the immigration act of 1924. The legislators could have given the thinking world a fair argument for passing the immigration restriction act of 1924. Instead, they chose to give as a basis for their action a belief which has no validity in fact. The belief to which the national legislators gave official recognition is as old as the formation of human tribes. It is the belief that "my tribe is better than your tribe." It is the "chosen people" idea of the ancients. In the U.S. traces of it can he found even in colonial days. By the more learned it is reinforced by the rather naive but quite prevalent assumption that the human family can readily be classified into inferior and superior race groups. So researcher E.A. Ross in 1914 declared the immigrants from Southern and Eastern Europe to be "descendants of those who always stayed behind." For congressional purposes this belief was given further semblance of validity by bringing statistics to its aid.

Assumption, assertion and speculation can be transformed into fact in the course of transmission through the published literature. As a case study of this phenomenon, a sequence of four articles on urban residential structure, published in 1950, 1958, 1959 and 1964, is examined critically. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article focuses on the value and the heuristic utility of traditional-modern conceptualizations. Few sociological ideas have had such a powerful appeal for, and such a strong hold over comparative social analysis as the concepts of Traditional and Moderns. Recently, increasing doubts have been voiced concerning the continued validity and empirical utility of traditional-modern conceptualizations. This is so in several aspects. A fundamental controversy has long-raged concerning the utility of all ideal-type constructs as such--a problem thus inevitably involving most of the conceptual schemes mentioned. More directly, and irrespective of the problems of the Weberian type of analysis in general, strictures have been made at various traditional-modern antitheses specifically, suggesting that they are culture bound and that they imply an idea of an ordered progress from one type of social structure to another. The commonly employed concepts of traditional and modem were adopted as such an analytical tool--a tool ready at hand and at the same time sufficiently generalized and operational to fit the case and one set out to analyze the predispositions of the different groups of origin as regards traditional and modem elements, precisely in terms of basic patterns of institutional spheres and their major socio-demographic indices.

This article focuses on international migration statistics. Since the end of the nineteenth century statisticians interested in international migration have been urging governmental authorities to collect and present migration statistics in an efficient and uniform manner, efficient, to ensure that all the diverse elements in migration are accounted for and the characteristics of the more important clearly described, uniform, to ensure that emigration from one country can be related to immigration into another. Hence the series of discussions and recommendations of bodies such as the International Statistical Institute, the International Labour Organization, and the Population Commission of the United Nations. A second, and greater, problem confronting Australia has been the distinction drawn by both the 1932 and 1949 recommendations between temporary and other short-term movements on the one hand and permanent migration on the other, the latter being artificially defined as movement intended for one year or more. During the thirties and early forties, when migration was slight, this distinction raised few difficulties. But after World War II Australia embarked upon a massive immigration programme designed to increase its total population by large numbers of permanent settlers.

The paper analyzes patterns of immigration and absorption of immigrants. The process of immigration is a process of physical transition from one society to another involving considerable frustrations and giving rise to many social problem among immigrants. The research is conducted with assumptions that there are three main interdependent indices of adaptation and assimilation of immigrants within their new country : institutional integration, acculturation, and personal adjustment and integration of immigrants. The research paper examines some of these implicit assumptions in order to estimate their importance for a framework of comparative analysis, and suggests such a tentative framework. The paper then attempts to apply this framework to the analysis of concrete cases of migration and assimilation of immigrants. The types of pluralistic structures arising through the absorption of immigrants are determined by the immigrants' own motivations, by the demands made on them by the absorbing society, and by the possibilities open to them in that society.

The article focuses on cross-cultural communication in research work. If complete desire to communicate and readiness to understand is granted in the research, then the following possibilities come into focus as due to the nature of the human communication process as well as to the nature of human personality. Firstly, certain foreign experts cannot communicate successfully in any cross-cultural situation. Secondly, certain experts may be able to communicate in any cross-cultural situation and finally, experts from certain cultures or sub-cultures may be more successful at cross-cultural communication in a given situation than experts from other cultures or sub-cultures. The first perspective could be in the form of the syllogistic type. The second perspective could be phrased in terms of cross-cultural contact between individuals of different socio-economic levels or strata of culture. The third perspective could be phrased in terms of cross-cultural communication between individuals whose respective social systems are out-of-phase.

Sojourn research is developmental research in the sense that it is concerned with what happens to the individual over time. Like studies of childhood and of aging, sojourn research demands that the social scientist attend to relatively crucial phase in a sequence of individual adjustment phenomena that occur in changing social contexts. But, unlike the models cited, sojourn research has not agreed upon time limits for the beginning and end of the adjustment sequence nor on the major components of the sequence. Hence, this article attempts to outline a comprehensive sojourn sequence analysis and points to some kinds of research that could be done to illuminate aspects of the experience.

This article presents information on sociology as field of education in Australia and New Zealand. There are now five out of the 17 Australian and three out of the six New Zealand universities or colleges which have granted sociology an independent place in their curricula. Most of the remaining universities plan to establish sociology departments in the future. A few already offer sociology courses as part of the allied subjects such as anthropology, education, political science, and psychology. Whenever and wherever sociology is introduced, it seems to become an instant success with Australian and New Zealand students. They have, generally, a healthy interest in their own fast-changing urbanized societies. The first-year enrollments in sociology in such universities as New South Wales (Sydney), Monash (Melbourne), Victoria (Wellington), Canterbury (Christchurch), New England (Armidale), and University of Queensland (Brisbane), run in the hundreds. However, the problem is not just one of availability of courses.

The article offers information about the Institute of Advanced Studies and Scientific Research (IASSR) in Vienna, Austria. The IASSR, the recently established institute, sponsored by the Ford Foundation, was headed by the Governor of the Austrian National Bank. It is both a school and a research laboratory, focusing mainly on teaching. Research activities will be carried out within the institute itself. Further, the institute is interested in co-operation with the Law and Social Science Departments of the Universities of Vienna, Graz and Innsbruck. Other significant information relative to the matter is presented.