Search

The Chinese have always been a curious people and they are possessed of some very queer old customs. The managers of the Greatest Show on Earth seem to have chosen the present Soviet Union government to act as their Invisible Property Man. Officially they refuse to believe that there is such a thing as a Union of Socialist Soviet Republics. As far as Washington is concerned, official Soviet Union simply does not exist. There is some trouble, so it appears, about the exact status of a certain country called Manchuria. Japan wants that country and China wants it or has it and the two nations threaten to go to war with each other on account of this distant and mysterious territory.

Presents an interview with Mao Tse-tung, chairman of the Communist Party of China, about the political condition in China in 1965. Assertion of Mao that China has no troops outside its own frontiers and has no intention of fighting anybody unless its own territory is attacked; Views on whether Viet Cong forces can win victory by their own efforts alone; Reaction to anti-feudal and anti-capitalist sentiments combined with opposition to imperialism and neo-colonialism.

Japan cannot understand the widespread outcry from the Western world against its present occupation of Manchuria. Is it not entirely ethical and logical (the Japanese must be thinking) to defend one's interests in foreign lands? The Tokio government has stated frankly and with at least an outward show of sincerity, that in occupying Manchuria it intends to give to its interests and to the lives and property of its nationals only that definite measure of military protection and other first-rate Power would provide under similar circumstances. It has added with equal clarity that it has no territorial or political designs upon Manchuria.

The connection between civil war in China and European imperialism and the responsibility of the British Labor Government for the continued disorder and the suppression of the liberal movement of politician Sun Yat-sen are discussed in this article. British policy in China illustrates some of the difficulties of constitutional as opposed to revolutionary socialism. It is impossible for anyone in England, even the prime minister, to know the truth about any event in China until six weeks after it has happened.

Focuses on the Far East policy of the Western countries. Statement that a revolution is essential not only in Japan but also in China, if the Second World War is to be won with the utmost possible speed and is to be followed by a durable peace; Information on the need of democracy in Japan; Discussion of the Japanese industry; What is necessary is to democratize the ownership and control of industry, to end its power for domestic exploitation; Statement that it is not enough to seek merely a surrender of the military in Japan, or a change in the persons having political power; Effect of the industrialization and democratization of China on the revival of Japanese imperialism; Discussion of implications of democracy and equality.

This article focuses on the conflict in the Indo-China region. For nearly eight years the French have fought a colonial war in Indo-China, refusing to internationalize that war or make any of the radical and self-denying concessions necessary to transforming that conflict into a clear-cut case of resistance to Communist aggression. Great Britain insisted that the continuation of a white man's war to hold Indo-China would imperil the West's position in all that is left of Asia, seeming to confirm, in the minds of neutral Asians, Communist charges of Western imperialism. In the meantime Premier Chou En-lai of China has been very busy mending fences.

The article presents several views on a general strike of several hundred thousand Chinese workers and students. According to the leader of the Shanghai student union, the strike of the Chinese people is not Bolshevik, not anti-Christian, and not anti-foreign. It is anti-imperialist. It is a human movement for human rights. It is inconceivable that a Chinese student should act as a strikebreaker. Students are close to the workers in thoughts. Some of the students have gone out into the mills as manual workers to organize unions. A Chinese businessman says that the important thing about this strike is that it symbolizes the Chinese movement for economic self-government.

The article focuses on a letter Charles Stewart Addis to the Morning Post (London) of October 9 which was sent by the British Library of Information (New York). The letter considers Bertrand Russell's article a "serious attack on the government of Hongkong." Addis does not propose here to discuss the spirit animating Russell's article on British Imperialism in China, in the New Leader, of September 19. His purpose is rather to test, by an examination of the facts on which he relies, the competence of Mr. Russell to pass judgment on the objects and methods of British policy in the Far East.

Presents several letters to the editor referencing articles and topics published in previous issues. Comments on Liang Shi-yi representing himself as representative of China; Views on imperialistc policy of the U.S. Acknowledgement of the copy of "La Follette's Record," by Arthur Warner.

Focuses on foreign relations between Czechoslovakia, Soviet Union and China in 1972. Impact of the Warsaw Pact's military intervention on Peking, China; Steps taken by Peking to veer toward a rapprochement with the U.S.; Accusation of Moscow, Soviet Union by Peking of social imperialism, social colonialism and social fascism.

So much has been said of late about the development of militarism in Japan, and her alleged naval programme of elaborate and even sinister proportions, that an examination of the facts is but fair to Japan and may prove of considerable interest as a relief to apprehension, so far as it exists abroad. There are at present in force five naval programmes, which have been inaugurated by the Imperial Navy and approved by the Imperial Diet. The first one was inspired by experiences in the war with China, when Japan for the first time began to realize the importance and necessity of an adequate naval force.

Efforts to apply the French colonial policy of "assimilation" have resulted in effectively producing an economic "closed door" in that part of the East. Development has been typically reserved to the French, although the large scale development of Indo-China's resources has resulted in widening the opportunity for other foreign enterprise to participate in the benefits of France's control. The population of French Indo-China is fairly heavy, 55 to the square mile, with a per capita trade of 2.67 of imports and 3.24 of exports. The railway mileage of 1,282 miles gives about 4 to each 1,000 square miles of territory. The economic importance of these French holdings rests upon several factors like French Indo-China being one of the granaries of the East; approximately 70 percent of the exports consists of rice, with coal, cotton, rubber, sugar, hides, and various foodstuffs making up the balance.