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Two mimeographed papers were circulated through the mails before the meeting to a selected list of persons interested in the subject of economic nationalism, one by P. H. Knight on, "The Implications of Nationalism to Economic Theory," and the other by Max Handman on "Nationalism and the Industrial Revolution." This article analyzes these papers. In introducing the discussion of his paper, Knight stressed its constructive import against an impression reported that it seemed to try to close the door against any hope for liberty. It did aim to bring out the seriousness of the situation, but less on the ground of historical inevitability in the abstract than of inference from the ordinary behavior of men in group relations today, and the motives manifested. Professor Handman presented a brief outline of his paper with an enumeration of the forms of nationalism and particularly of nationalism as shown in protectionism and imperialism. The effects of the Industrial Revolution were described with particular reference to India, Germany, Italy and Spain. He concluded that wherever nationalism strives to obtain the advantage in productive technique which is a characteristic of the Revolution, the reason is not to be sought in the economic advantages, which such an increase in production might give, but rather in the increase of international power and prestige which an effective productive system brings with it.

Four recent collections of essays lend credence to the impression of progress in sociological scholarship. Sociology Today presents revisions of papers originally prepared for the 1957 annual meeting of the American Sociological Society, under the presidency of Robert K. Merton. With fair consistency the authors have presented an appraisal of its current state with reference to the more or less standard specialties encompassed by contemporary sociology, and with somewhat less consistency the authors have essayed the task of identifying current problems of theory and method. The Symposium on Sociological Theory consists of nineteen longish chapters and an extended introduction by the editor. Review of Sociology and Sociology in the United States of America are comparable in topical coverage to Sociology Today. In a paper of major importance Reinhard Bendix and Bennett Berger have suggested renewed attention to the many "dual tendencies," simultaneously present, which sociologists conventionally recognize but conveniently forget in their preoccupation with self-regulating systems.

From stock cultures of tobacco callus tissue grown in a salt-sucrose medium supplemented with 1 × 10-6 M indoleacetic acid (IAA) and 1 × 10-6 M 2,4-dichlorophenoxyacetic acid (2,4-D), visibly-green callus cultures have been isolated both in solid and in liquid media. This green color can be maintained in continued subcultures by growing the cultures under very diffuse light conditions. Spectrophotometric determinations of the pigment contents of the green culture showed no difference in the nature of the pigment components or chlorophyll a : b ratio but contained only low concentrations (17-30%) of total pigments of that of the intact leaf in culture. The liquid culture was highly friable and green and maintained a very active growth rate in two different media, viz., IAA + 2,4-D and IAA + kinetin. Cultures growing in IAA + 2,4-D medium were extremely friable, soupy and light green whereas cultures growing in IAA + kinetin medium were less friable, much greener in appearance and slightly higher in pigment content. Pigment analysis of the liquid cultures in both media indicated only low concentrations of chlorophylls and carotenoids per g fresh weight. The round spherical green calli growing in IAA + kinetin cultures showed a higher pigment content than the mixture of cells growing in the supernatant medium. Plating of the liquid suspension containing single cells and cell aggregates on an agar plate produced visibly-green colonies within 2-3 weeks. The smallest of such a colony weighed as little as 4-6 mg fresh weight (2-3 mm diameter). These small colonies when extracted with 80% acetone showed delectable pigment separation into various components on thin-layer and paper chromatography. The results of the study are discussed suggesting that the development of chlorophyll and differentiation of chloroplasts in tissues cultured in vitro will depend on a number of chemical and physical factors employed under specific culture conditions, viz., growth factors, age of culture, light conditions, etc. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents a response to the comments made by scholar Tervor Lummis on the paper "Charles Booth and Labor Colonies in 1889-1905." Lummis directly or indirectly raises some general points, discussion of which was limited by lack of space in the original article. His position is unclear, especially on the relationship between scholar Charles Booth's views and those of his contemporaries. He seems to accept, if only by implication, that Edwardian legislation was molded by distinctive moral assumptions; that a major influence behind it was the discussion of policy by those whose social investigations had given them the status of acknowledged experts; and that in their views a preoccupation with the effects of environment on character can be seen. He appears at times to suggest that Booth, in spite of the deference paid to him and the constant reference to his work, was isolated from contemporary opinion by his greater objectivity. Nevertheless, Lummis does discuss Booth's influence, which he sees almost entirely in traditional terms: it ended the confusion between moral and social problems and supplied new economic criteria for the determination of policy.

Presents the author's reply to comments made by several economic historians on his paper "Wealth of Jamaica." Information on errors of wealth and income measurement in the author's paper; Denial that plantations and plantation colonies in the West Indies were profitable enterprises by researcher Robert Paul Thomas; Discussion on the measurable aspects of the sugar colonies of the old empire; Table showing the value of Jamaica's exports of sugar products to Great Britain and Ireland.

The article presents discussions by economists on some papers that are published in the May 1, 1970 issue of the journal "American Economic Review." The author states that economist Harry Magdoff's paper, published in the present issue of the journal, reminds its readers that neoclassical economics deals with market relations and not with power relations. The study of imperialism, in contrast, is mainly concerned with the level of coordination above that of the market where state power is used to manipulate the economic framework within which supply and demand interplay. The analytical focus is the way one-country exercises power over another and how this affects trade, development and the distribution of income. According to the author, the first point to be stressed is that the neoclassical model, which includes market equations and excludes political equations is misspecified and yields biased estimates and wrong predictions. The comfortable assumption that one can concentrate on economic relations and leave the analysis of power to other disciplines is not tenable when one admits the crucial role of the state in shaping the economy through its policies on infrastructure, education, production and other things.

Supervision of workers in a group has been tried in a variety of ways to achieve a variety of goals. This paper will describe an experiment with group supervision undertaken by the Jewish Family Service of New York several years ago, the focus here is on one of the goals of the experiment, namely, helping the caseworker achieve greater independence and thereby accelerating his professional development. The experiment was an attempt by the agency to do something positive about the complaints of recent years that workers are frequently caught up in a stage of interminable dependency, that other professions move more quickly to independence and the use of consultation than do social workers, and that the close personalized relationship in individual supervision characteristic of social work contributes to infantilizing the worker. The paper will first present the distinctions among the various types of supervision carried on in groups; then, based on experience, some generalizations about the characteristics of this particular supervisory process; finally, four illustrations that will demonstrate various phenomena and how they were handled in the group.

A conference paper is presented concerning Edmund Burke, political theorist and agent of New York. It discusses Burke's study "An Account of the European Settlements in America." Burke's first speech in the British Parliament on January 27, 1766 is also discussed. Several quotes from Burke are provided.

This article analyses, in relation to the West Indian colonies, the changes during Joseph Chamberlain's Colonial Secretaryship in Great Britain's Colonial Office attitudes and policy towards the supply and expenditure of capital from these three sources. The modernization of the sugar industry by amalgamation of estates and the introduction of new techniques was most successfully pursued between 1870 and 1895 in British Guiana and Trinidad. It was financed by private capital. No imperial grants or loans were available, for the policy of the British government after 1870 was to extend direct financial assistance to the West Indies only for exceptional purposes such as hurricane relief. The Colonial Office adopted a similar attitude to non-planting enterprise before 1895, namely that, in general, colonial governments should not financially assist private individuals or particular industries. Secretaries of State and officials showed little awareness of the need to overcome the reluctance of capitalists to invest in the West Indies outside the sugar industry; indeed they tended to regard most private concessionaires with suspicion. In these circumstances the main source of capital expenditure in the West Indian colonies between 1870 and 1895, apart from that undertaken by the sugar planters, was colonial government expenditure on public works, especially communications, largely financed by loans raised on the London capital market.

The article examines the transformation of commercial policy in Western economic institutions under the impact of economic nationalism in Southeast Asia. The paper's thesis is that commercial policy in postwar Southeast Asia is intelligible in terms of the economic content of nationalism, rather than in terms of efforts to accelerate economic growth. In the first section, international trade theory is discussed, including ideas about economic policy and processes of economic growth. The author then discusses the assessment of the developmental content of an economic policy. Commercial policy in postwar Southeast Asia is detailed.

The article discusses a crisis in Italian colonial opinion. Recently a morning newspaper carried the headline that dictator Benito Mussolini had declared that Italy's security in Africa depended upon the elimination of the Ethiopian army. In saying this he reiterated the repeated claim of Italian colonialists that the warlike preparations and unfriendly attitude of Emperor Haile Selassie necessitated and justified military operations on the part of Italy. This argument, connected as it is always with statements that colonies are necessary to the well-being of Italy, brings to mind the fact that at one time most Italians thought that Africa was composed of barren bits of sand, swamp, and mountain. This time was nearly forty years ago, when Italy's leaders very nearly decided to surrender all right and title to her footholds on the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean. It is the object of this paper to describe the usually adverse opinion on the subject of colonies which prevailed in Italy after the battle of Adowa and to account for the failure of the Italian government to trust the convictions of the Prime Minister.

This article examines the history of the concept of social imperialism in Great Britain originated by publisher and editor Robert Blatchford in 1891. For the doctrinal origins of Blatchford's defencism, one need go no deeper than his belief that gradual means were in every way the best for the attainment of socialism, and that Britain and its white dominions constituted the friendliest political environment for gradualism ever known. The periods when Blatchford was most vocal on the invasion danger were during the Boer War and from 1907 on. The later threat soon came to seem the more serious, and over the years Blatchford's insistence lost him more admirers and the Clarion more readers than anything else in the paper's history. Though agreeing with other socialists that the South African war was one of economic aggression, Blatchford refused to attack British soldiers or admire their Calvinist enemies. Among other gradualist leaders, one could note that Hardie, while agreeing with the socialist diagnosis, was remarkably vague as to whether this reinforcement of international finance at the expense of his Boer idols would prove a bad thing in the long term.

Both increased dependency and decreased threat were found to increase likelihood of American Ss' assisting an experimenter by signing their names. A threat by dependency interaction indicated that the effect of threat was operative only under low and moderate dependency levels. No comparisons involving sex of E or of S were significant, providing no support for status threat or reactance theories which would predict that men would be less likely to help under high dependency conditions, particularly for a male E or under conditions of high threat. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a paper on Marxist Rosa Luxemburg's analysis of the impact of imperialism on non-capitalist economies or sectors. Luxemburg sets out her own thesis that the surplus value of a dynamic capitalist economy can be realized only by social organizations of a non-capitalist type. To stay alive capitalism invades the non-capitalist world. The boundary between these worlds is conceptual, not geographic, although the two often coincide. The theory of imperialism must attempt to embrace the categories of economics, politics, sociology and social anthropology. This includes the conflict between traditional social relationships, for example in property ownership, and the needs of the metropolitan economy, the character of the satellite State as client to the metropolis, the direct links between the military of the satellite and the metropolis, the manner in which the imperial relation creates new classes in the satellite and how they affect its subsequent development and the role played by the academic servants of imperialism.

The article focuses on productivity changes that took place in American colonial shipping during 1675-1775. The purpose of this article is to determine with reasonable accuracy the productivity change which occurred in shipping engaged in colonial waters, 1675-1775. The available evidence clearly indicates that substantial improvements were taking place. Despite the variation in rates among commodity routes, the general trend is unmistakably downward. It is concluded that the uncompounded increase per annum in shipping productivity ranged between 0.6 per cent and 3.1 per cent by commodity route with a general index suggesting an overall increase of approximately 1.35 per cent per annum. Improvements taking place in shipping were fundamental to the growth of trade and the development of an integrated market economy. Since transportation costs by land were prohibitively high for most items, the bulk of goods traded went by water, both among regions in the American colonies and among the colonies and Europe, the West Indies, and elsewhere. An important aspect of increased shipping productivity was the effect it had on the extensive development of the colonies.

The colonial policy is bound to assume new aspects since a flew generation of natives has grown up which has been educated in schools by Europeans in ways of thought that are European, and in using devices introduced by Europeans. The word crisis may be understood with the particular implication that inherent in imperialism is the hybris, the overbearing insolence of the dominant stratum, or at least of some of its representatives, which by recoiling automatically and inescapably leads to its nemesis. Such, at least, was the idea prevalent in the Second Annual Conference on World Problems devoted to imperialism and held under the auspices of the Division of Social Sciences of Howard University, Washington D.C. Representatives of Africa, India and China discussed the crisis of imperialism with colored Americans, while white Americans and Europeans were also heard. It was the author's privilege, on this occasion, to present a paper relevant to conditions in East-Africa. From this conference his understanding of the current problems benefited more than from any reading he might has done. What follows will endeavor to balance the contradictory views brought forward. In order to do so people should try to look upon the phenomenon of imperialism and its implications as processes of natural history. This is the only scientific approach. Political propaganda is a thing apart.

The article examines the concept of the Reciprocity Agreement of 1911, which was negotiated by representatives of the Canadian and U.S. governments. The agreement was designed to address the growing insistence of Canadian farmers upon freer access to market in the U.S. and for cheaper agricultural machinery and implements. However, the trade agreement was rejected by the Canadian people on 1911 because it was distorted by considerations of party politics and Imperialism. Other valid objections raised against the arrangement was the reference of the issue to the arbitrament of a general election and the insecurity of its duration.