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The article presents a discussion on immigration into Australia after the Second World War. Between 1947 and 1956, over one million immigrants arrived in Australia. This represents an average annual increase of about 1.1 per cent in the total population of the continent. With the exception of Israel, the rate at which these immigrants poured in was the highest of any country. Sustained immigration, plus the equally fast natural growth of about 1.3 per cent annually, should result in a total population of 10 million in about 1960. In 1946, similar to Great Britain's White Paper on full employment, the Commonwealth government of Australia issued its White Paper on Employment. This paper established high and stable employment as the principal objective of economic policy. The original immigration policy has hardly at all been considered in relation to the full employment goal of the Welfare State. In fact, economic motivation became prominent only after humanitarian and national defense reasons of the early post-war Operation Welcome more or less ran out.

In this paper three orientations were distinguished: monism, interactionism, and pluralism, but the last was held by only a few of the subjects. Interactionism, which advocates that immigrants and host group should tolerate each other and should gradually converge as a result of interaction, was more often preferred to monism, which advocates complete assimilation as quickly as possible. Monism among Australians was higher for males than for females and was associated with unfriendly attitudes towards immigrants. Among immigrants, monism was associated with being more highly assimilated and with being intolerant of ambiguity. The evidence suggests that monism is more likely to be a result of assimilation than a cause of it. A study was also made of the mutual perceptions of' the orientation of Australians, of British, and of non-British immigrants. These perceptions and misperceptions reflect the attitudes of the subjects towards these groups, per ceived interactionism being a sign of a favourable attitude. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents several abstracts related to economics, published in the December 1962 issue of the journal 'The Economic Record.' Economy of New Zealand in 1962; Industrial courts and women's wages in Australia; Marriages of migrants in Australia.

An important feature of the Australian government's post-war immigration program has been the preference shown for immigrants from the British Isles. In a fundamental sense, the success of the Australian government's assisted and non-assisted British immigration program could be measured by the proportion of immigrants who settled permanently in Australia. The fact that no reliable estimate of this proportion has yet been made is probably due to several reasons. It is the aim of this article to discuss the factors contributing to the absence of reliable estimates. The socio-economic characteristics of returned migrant workers have been examines by a sample survey of re-registrations for the National Insurance during 1959.

By September 1950, 155,500 Displaced Persons from Europe had been admitted to Australia, most of them under government contract for two years. Their adjustment to the country's economy has been good, for they are willing, industrious workmen, though not highly skilled and their absorption has as vet produced no disturbance. Because of accommodation shortage they mostly still live in camps with workers usually separated from their families, a situation which they accept provided they see the possibility of building or owning their own house eventually. For single people and childless couples this long-term plan appears to be perfectly feasible, but for the men with dependents it is very questionable and the future of the latter group does not at the moment seem a happy one. Despite the present camp life it is the official policy not to permit minority communities to form, but rather to press for speedy assimilation ot the D.P.'s as individuals, the main weapon for this purpose being language teaching. The learning of English is slower than had been hoped for and reflects the relative failure of social adjustment and acceptance, since few D.P.'s are making the necessary personal contact with Australians which would make them wish to enter further into the new culture. In the author's opinion this failure is due to the two groups being more distant from each other than either realizes, with the result that both are making inadequate efforts at mutual understanding. A brief description of Australian society is given to illustrate this point. Hostility is not marked. The displacement neurosis with which many D.P.'s have been afflicted as a result of their past sufferings does not show signs of disappearing under the present conditions, and Australian psychiatric practice seems at the moment inadequate either to assist in the removal of this burden or to ensure adequate diagnosis and treatment for non-English-speaking immigrants who become more seriously mentally ill. Government planning of the migration has so far seemed to be good on the economic side but lacking on the social side, and it is suggested that social assimilation requires more energetic measures and some sociologically trained staff to redirect the present efforts of voluntary bodies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, the author attempts to find out factors in the experience of the individual determining the decision to emigrate and in particular what personality and situational differences exist between those who emigrate and in those who do not. There has been the difficulty of identifying emigrants before they leave their home region. This article's purpose is to discuss some of theoretical aspects of the emigration process and to illustrate part of this discussion by presenting some of results of a study on the psycho-social characteristics of a sample of British married skilled manual workers intending to emigrate to Australia between 1954-1955 under the Assisted Passage Scheme. In this article, an attempt has been made to sketch, in outline, one possible kind of framework within which some variables relevant to voluntary emigration can be conveniently analyzed. These variables are disorganization, dislodgement, significant contact, objective opportunity and personality. The typical skilled manual worker who decides to emigrate has moved around more and probably has a wider circle of acquaintances than the non-emigrant. Of special importance is if he more often knows of someone who has migrated to Australia and corresponds with him.

The article explores the morality of restrictive immigration policy in Australia. The first important free migration occurred in the 1830s, when 100,000 free settlers arrived, and only 40,000 convicts. At the end of this decade that transportation of convicts was discontinued. During these years the textile industry was flourishing in England, much money was available to invest, and the widespread poverty in England made many eager to emigrate. As a result Australia prospered, and large numbers of migrants flowed into the country. After the 1914-18 war, an ambitious immigration program was proposed by the Australian government, in conjunction with that of Great Britain. The immigration was to be directed especially towards primary industry. In spite of labor, planning and money, the planned immigration scheme was not very successful. The closer settlement schemes were an almost complete failure. The depression of the 1930s hit Australia with great force, and this was at once reflected in the migration reversed and Australians lost about 11,000 persons through emigration. Even this ceased during the war. After the war the needs of defense, of expanding industries, together with a severe labor shortage, combined to unite almost all Australians behind the government in its immigration policy. In the decade that followed the war over a million from migrants entered the country. Immigration into Australia is governed by the Immigration Restriction Act of 1901, as amended in subsequent years. This enables the government to exclude such undesirables as criminals, prostitutes, the diseases and also all those who could become a financial burden to the state. This latter clause gives the government very wide powers over immigration in times of economic stress, when they could be applied to almost all immigrants.

The article presents a study which discussed mixed marriages in Australia. The author said that Australians think of interfaith marriages as Catholic-Protestant marriages. On the grounds of Catholic loyalty and the objection of priests to interfaith marriages, one would expect Australian Catholics to marry less outside the faith than the adherents of other religious institutions. A reason why the in-marriage statistics are so high may be that in a population of immigrants, a person can expect the married couples to be uniformly Anglican, Catholic and Presbyterian.

Familism is identified by a structural network of rights and duties which contributes to the support of the family and by the commitment of members to this system. These characteristics are found to be associated with the establishment and development of family farms among Macedo-Slav settlers in Australia. Evidence includes positive relationships between size of farm and a) number of adult males in the family labor force and b) familistic opinions. Descriptive data shows that integrated family work groups make possible accumulation of savings for land purchase and are the basis for efficient farm maintenance. Land purchasing power is increased by loans from kinsmen. The findings suggest that familism aids in acquisition of modern farms by immigrants as it did a half century earlier in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines the nature of migration into Australia during the period of 1865-1935. Theory of migration during the period; Analysis of Australia's demography; Origin of Australian immigrants.

Census data for Melbourne, Australia, in 1954 and 1961 are used to examine differences in the degree of residential concentration among the eight largest foreign-born groups and to assess how far, if at all, these differences reflect systematic differences in group assimilation. The analysis of two additional indicators of assimilation-the degree of occupational concentration and the extent of ethnic inmarriage-shows that even after the effect of differences in length of residence has been eliminated moderate to strong associations remain between residential concentration, occupational concentration, and inmarriage. A fourth indicator of assimilation-naturalization rates-fails to confirm these earlier findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In "The Old-New Distinction and Immigrants in Australia," Stanley Lieberson's interpretation of Australian immigration statistics is open to serious question. Contrary to his premise, the Australian immigration experience does not provide appropriate data for evaluating the old-new differentiation of immigrant behavior in American history. The Australian statistics do not support Lieberson's assertion that "northwestern and southeastern European immigrant patterns of adaptation and assimilation will be similar whenever the groups are established in the society at a comparable period." The emergence of the old-new classification of immigrants in America, as Lieberson pointed out, owed much to the change in the composition of immigrants around the turn of the century. The admission into Australia since World War II of immigrants born in southern, central, and eastern European countries differed considerably and fundamentally from the previous influx of "new" immigrants into the U.S. In the case of displaced persons, the Australian government established stringent criteria for admission. The number and monthly rate of admissions of the immigrants were specified as were their age, marital status, dependent status, employability, and "security" and health conditions.

First, it should be noted that various services for immigrants, such as English language training, citizenship programs, welfare agencies, and the like, were available for newcomers to the U.S.. But, granted that the lot of the new immigrant to the U.S. in earlier periods was harsher than that of contemporary migrants to Australia, the point remains that the immigrants are subject to a constant set of conditions, i.e., Australia and the services it provides. If northwestern Europeans did possess a greater propensity to as similar and adopt than other European immigrants, then the superior social facilities. Australia should in no way prevent them from showing more favorable rates relative to south eastern European immigrants. One critical issue raised is that immigration was rigidly controlled by the Australian government. Ignoring the fact that all sorts of undesirable Europeans were excluded by the U S. beginning with the immigration law of 1882, the marital status, dependent status, employability, and security and health conditions of immigrants to Australia were rigorously specified.