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Analyses the role of industrialization in creating social disturbances and disorders. Fundamental ways in which industrialization brings social disorder; Manifestations of the condition of social disorganization; Relation of early industrialization to disorganization and disorder.

When one views the recent and present relations between races in different parts of the world he must necessarily be impressed by the magnitude, the tenacity, and the apparent spontaneity of racial prejudice. Interestingly enough, the actual facts of race relations adopt a very different view. For, frequently, racial prejudice appear in racial contacts; if present, it may disappear; or although present, it may not dominate the relations. Instead of thinking racial prejudice as an invariant and simple matter, it must be viewed as a highly variable and complex phenomenon. Even more important is the realization that racial prejudice is highly variable itself. Instead of always having the same form, nature, and intensity, it may differ a great deal from time to time and from place to place. A comparison of instances of racial prejudice shows that it may differ in intensity, in quality of feeling, in the views by which it is supported, and in manifestation. The prejudice of the American southerner toward the Negro may be great, but it is recognized by many as being less than that of the South Africa white toward his colored neighbors.

This article focuses on paternalism in industry. It is desirable, first of all, to correct an erroneous impression that paternalism in industry is peculiar to a specific stage In Industrial development that is now out-moded and archaic. There is abundant evidence to show that paternalism is a persistent form of relationship which may appear in the most diverse industrial settings, in different types of economy and in different epochs of industrial development. Thus, it is to be found frequently in chattel slavery, in serfdom, in feudal relations, in colonial plantation economy, in mission stations among backward peoples, In guild systems, in farm tenantry, in capitalist handicraft economy, in small factory systems and even in modern mass production industry. Such evidence indicates that paternalism is rooted in certain natural conditions which may occur and reoccur under very different industrial circumstances. It is easy to understand why paternalism appears so readily in the most diverse kinds of industrial settings. Given some favorable circumstances the three essential features of paternalism emerge spontaneously and naturally in industry.

This article presents the author's comments on an article about George Herbert Mead written by Gerald Chasin. As per Chasin, when the individual developed a social "mind" his thinking would never conflict with the values of a society, thus assuring social unity. The author doesn't understand what is meant by the term "a social mind." The fact that the individual incorporates the values of his groups through role taking does not mean that there cannot be conflicts between these values. He does not understand how Chasin leaps to a conclusion that in George Herbert Mead's thought the incorporation of such conflicting values within the individual establishes unity between the conflicting groups. One has the right to expect a better rendition of Mead's thought. "There is no mention of power and force in the process of the development of "meaning," because in Mead's scheme there simply was no room for these concepts." He was acutely aware of the growing complexity of the modern world with the increase of divergent groups acting along continuously new and divergent lines.

The article examines research on race relations in the U.S. from the end of World War II to the present. Several factors to be considered in order to understand the present study are cited, including the diversity of race relations in the country and the flow of political and moral problems set by such relations. Major areas of racial discrimination are examined, as well as the inner organization and behavior of separate minority racial groups in the U.S.

Twice in recent years the Society has made single awards, supported by unsolicited special gifts. The Edward Bernays Award for an essay dealing with the social effects of television and a grant-in-aid of research supported by the Britt Foundation. Also, the Society has accepted and now has in its possession a fund of some $3,000 designated as the Maclver Award fund. This fund was initiated by Professor Theodore Abel, who asked the Society to administer it. An informal canvass of several other professional associations reveals that several of them administer various awards for achievement in their respective fields. Of particular interest are the two prizes of $1,000 each awarded annually by the American Political Science Association for outstanding books published during the year, and the lectureship of $500 offered by the American Psychological Association in recognition of contributions to methods of discovering talent among children.