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The article presents comments on sociologist Bernard C. Go's paper "The Chinese in the Philippines: Facts and Fancies," which was published in the October 1972 issue of the "Philippine Sociological Review." The author agrees with many of Go's conclusions, notably with his statements that the Chinese no longer dominate the Philippine economy nor do they control it, that not all the Chinese in the Philippines are rich, that the Philippine Chinese community is not a fertile ground for the spread of communist ideology, that Chinese girls are willing to marry Filipinos, that never before in the history, be cause of the changes that have taken place, has the prospect of integrating and assimilating the Chinese into the mainstream of Filipino society appeared brighter than it does today. Chinese in the Philippines are far from homogeneous. Because of the existence of disparate factions sometimes working at cross purposes, the Chinese are not a monolithic group, nor are they united. However, one cannot deny the fact that the Chinese, especially the China-born, are clannish in the sense that they continue to cling to their family, clan, village, and district associations.

The article presents comments on sociologist Bernard C. Go's paper "The Chinese in the Philippines: Facts and Fancies," which was published in the October 1972 issue of the "Philippine Sociological Review." Some 30 or more years ago, the Chinese may have dominated a big portion of the retail trade but, as Go has emphasized, they never did control the economy of the nation. With the Retail Trade Nationalization Law in full force and effect for the past 18 years, Chinese domination of this facet of the economy has become a thing of the past. At the rate Filipinos are taking over retail business in the Philippines, it would not be presumptuous to assume that, perhaps 10 years from now, Chinese retailers in the Philip- pines will have been reduced to a minimum number, or entirely wiped out. The economy is made up of interdependent parts. It includes commerce, industry, agriculture, mining, servicing, and other sectors. Commerce alone embraces the retail and wholesale market and import and export trade. The Chinese investments in this country are mainly in commerce, including retail, wholesale, import, and export.

Presents several abstracts related to geography. "The Distribution of White Settlement in Kenya," by Donald R. Petterson; "Early Chinese Settlement in Borneo," by Tsuen-Kung Chang; "Patterns and Problems of Land Tenure in the Lesser Antilles: Example of Antigua," by John P. Augelli.

Comments on articles about diffusion of technology. Information on the economic transformation of Manchuria, China; Economic and non-economic factors in technology diffusion.

The article offers various United Nations atomic energy news. The United Nations Atomic Energy Commission met on September 10 and 11, 1947 and adopted the second report to the Security Council. The nations who voted in favor of the report are Australia, France, United States, Brazil, Canada, and China. Russia rejected the report, and Poland abstained. The proposals submitted by Russia involves the investigation of mining and production facilities and accounting of atomic materials, and the conduct of investigations in case of violation of the weapons ban.

The article takes a look at the American attitudes toward Japan and China in 1937-38. The Chinese Cultural Society of New York published in October 1937 a reprint of 39 editorials from American papers on the Far Eastern crisis. The editor, M. Hsitien Lin wrote in the foreword "Of some 5,000 editorials which have been examined, there is none that justifies Japanese aggression or condemns Chinese resistance. In the American press Japan is almost universally treated as the aggressor and China as the victim in the undeclared war. As to American policy, the press generally favors neither extreme isolationism nor political entanglements or alliances, but a golden mean, whereby world peace, it is hoped, may be maintained." The present study is designed to test the validity of this impression as well as to test the utility of a method of attitude measurement by press sampling. It is impossible here to enter into a discussion of the relationship between beliefs as to facts and emotional attitudes such as are measured by the indices used, except to suggest that attitudes, which are at first accompanied by emotions, may in time become beliefs regarding "facts" which are taken for granted.

Between the end of the Canton Crisis of 181-15, and the Bank of England Crisis of 1825, the financial usages of European houses in China had become better defined. Increased reliance and valuations upon negotiable paper instruments of finance were apparent. Quite apart from the extensive use of the East India Co.'s remittance paper as negotiable in India and China, the provision of private credit facilities for private trade in India and China were now explicit. Records of short-term lending on the spot and deposit accounts were now in evidence. The individual consigner of Indian cottons and opium who surveyed on a large scale for the China market could now also obtain direct credit backing from China agencies, albeit at the exorbitant rate of ten to 12 per cent. Indian agents of the China houses were also encouraging and financing groups of small investors under joint consignment accounts. In turn, the China houses now had sizeable credit accounts with their London, England, agents, which they covered by the periodic hypothecation of China goods to the United States. For a good many years the London money crisis of 1825-6 was slowly but clearly building up. In the build-up of the crisis conditions, the Bank of England was not above blame. Some China houses had not yet reached this level of rationale in their financial affairs, but the new mood of independence was symptomatic of the important changes through which the system was undergoing.

The present paper summarizes papers given at the 8th International Family Research Seminar in Oslo, Norway, 1963, which describe and explain differential frequencies of those decisions to marry which result in teenage marriage. Sociological analysis of marriage usually points out that age at marriage varies with the type of society and, therefore, reflects the stage of industrialization and urbanization. The lowest ages at marriage are generally found in peasant agricultural countries, such as India and China. During the rapid growth phase of urban industrial nations, age at marriage apparently rises, but later the age at marriage once again turns downward, though not rapidly. One way of viewing trends of teenage marriage is in terms of the percentage of males and females under 20 years of age involved in marriages contracted. During 1961, in 6% of all marriages contracted in Yugoslavia one or both spouses were under the age of 18. However, in such marriages the wife was under 18 years of age in 91 % of the cases, the husband in only 9 %. From 1953-1961 there was a gradual decrease in the percentage married under 18 years from 6.6 % to 6.0 %.

This paper discusses the Chinese indoctrination methods for prisoners of war (POW). In the wars of the last 50 to 100 years, American soldiers who fell into enemy hands experienced a variety of physical and emotional hardships, but the Chinese have made the first major attempt to produce defectors and collaborators among American POWs and to indoctrinate them in an alien political ideology. The article does not propose to consider the Chinese aims in conducting this enterprise, nor does it discuss in any detail how the indoctrination program affected men. Instead, this paper will present a brief account of the specific experiences of the POWs from the time they were captured until the time they were repatriated. To some extent, it will be possible to present a chronological account. It should be pointed out, however, that most of the significant experiences were occurring contemporaneously. Therefore, it has been chosen to organize them into some social psychological categories rather than simply to recount them as they occurred.

The article presents authors' comments on two research papers on economic development of China by economists Ta-Chung Liu, Kung-Chia Yeh and Alexander Eckstein. In his paper Eckstein has argued that the Chinese followed in Soviet footsteps of concentrating on capital-intensive industrial projects during their First Five Year Plan. During the Second Five Year Plan, however, they opened up a second front of labor-intensive investments in both industry and agriculture, thereby embracing technological dualism. The article discusses in brief Eckstein's underestimation of the Soviet rate of investment, the extent of "technological dualism" in underdeveloped areas and the reason for disparities between China and the Soviet Union in labor productivity growth rates. Moreover, the article asserts that paper of professors Liu and Yeh is a major contribution to the literature on Communist China. It is a study, which is a short-run contribution sheds light on specific economic developments in China from 1949 to present, and in a long-run contribution pointedly reminds that there is nothing so basic or central to economics as its' principles.

The article presents information on the beginning of credit finance on the China coast. The volume and area of the Chinese trade in private hands expanded as the English East India Company abandoned its Indian trade monopoly in 1813 and its China trade monopoly in 1834. The market for Chinese goods in the United States also developed, at first on the initiative of the American houses on the Atlantic seaboard and then with the connivance of English agency houses. Western finance on the Chinese Coast at the time was confined almost exclusively to the entrepreneurial context of trade, hence it was from the extension of trade that advances were made in methods of finance. The eastward expansion of the China trade to the Atlantic seaboard of the United States brought China traders into the financial orbit of Philadelphia (in the twenties) and New York. The crisis of 1812-1815 forced the China houses to experiment with private bills and, after the crisis, to develop their use. It also illustrated the main elements upon which the earlier China trade was based, and the weaknesses of large scale and expanding trade operations entirely based upon bullion movements.

The press in communist China is essentially a political instrument with which the regime conducts socialist and communist education among the masses. During the last few years the regime has developed the press into a specialized apparatus with each of its parts designed to reach a specific audience and to serve a definite function. The author says that with a regular readership comprising a majority of the vast population, the press is indeed the most important instrument used by the regime in the conduct of socialist and communist education. The performance of the press, therefore, may well determine the pace and even the success or failure of the communists' adventure in remolding the Chinese people's ideology. To ensure maximum effectiveness and absolute political reliability, the regime has found it necessary to put this giant press apparatus under rigid control and close supervision. Through organizational control the regime determines the structural setup of the press. It is the regime that decides when, where, and how many newspapers should be founded.

This paper is to study the demand for money during the Chinese inflation of 1945-49. Based on the Chinese experience, the results confirm the hypothesis that during hyperinflation the expected rate of change in prices is the most important variable in the demand function for money. The estimated value of the coefficient of cash balances adjustment close is close to one. Thus, the assumption that the desired level of real cash balances tends to equal the actual level during hyperinflation is supported. This study, based on the Chinese experience, confirms the hypothesis that, during hyperinflation the expected rate of change in prices is the most important variable in the demand function for money (Cagan 1956). Although the velocity of money increased during the hyperinflation, the demand function for money is predictable if the model includes the variable of the expected rate of change in prices. Furthermore, the magnitudes of the parameters in the estimated demand function indicate that the hyperinflation in China was not self-generating, that is, independent of money supply. This study has also investigated the assumption of a lag in the adjustment of real cash balances through the process of hyperinflation. The empirical findings suggest that the value of the coefficient of adjustment is close to one. Thus, the assumption that the desired level of real cash balances tends to equal the actual level during hyperinflation is supported. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main objectives of our paper are to examine economic, political, social, demographic, and professional factors in the United States and Taiwan which may account for Chinese scholars' decisions to stay in the United States or their reluctance to return to Taiwan. Our paper is divided into five sections. Sections I and II provide background and definition of terms used in the paper. Sections III and IV present data and statistical analysis. The final section summarizes the findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to show that in spite of the favorable factors, the Schultz hypothesis remains plausible for a newly settled region; that is, no significant growth of agricultural productivity may be expected for the region in the long run if production is based on traditional factors. To support the argument an attempt is made to derive an agricultural productivity index through constructing aggregate output and input indices for the northeastern region of China—Manchuria. The region has an area approximately equal to that of the states of Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Michigan, and Minnesota combined. After it was open to immigration in the late nineteenth century, agricultural population rose from half a million in the 1880s to 20 million in the mid-1920s and 34 million in 1957. The increase was largely derived from the expansion of traditional inputs. Manchuria, therefore, provided a typical case of newly settled traditional agriculture. Section II outlines the approach employed to derive the productivity index for Manchurian agriculture. Section III presents the principal findings. An interpretation of these findings is contained in section IV. Section V is a short summary of conclusions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cultural traits from China have been slowly entering Europe for more than two thousand years. Some of these, such as gunpowder, the compass and paper have been of outstanding importance while others have created but passing fads. It is impossible to identify all of the influences of Chinese origin which have entered European culture during this long period. Even in the case of clearly recognized Chinese traits the records are inadequate as to many of the details of their westward journey. Despite the incompleteness of our knowledge, a brief survey of the existing in formation throws light on some aspects of European cultural history and on some of the mechanisms of diffusion. There were four main periods of contact between China and the West. The first was the era of silk trade with Rome and the ancient Mediterranean world which lasted from the first century B.C. to the middle of the sixth century A.D. The rise of the Arab Empire in the seventh century began a long period of relations between China and the Near East in which the Moslem world acted partially as a barrier but also as an intermediary between China and Europe. The Mongol Empire of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries made possible brief direct contacts of Europe with China. Modem relations of China and the West began with the Age of Discoveries in the sixteenth century.

The study of Asian societies has not yet had its share of attention within the framework of comparative sociology as a whole. As one step towards remedying this situation, a one-day conference, called by the British Sociological Association, was held in London, England, at the School of Oriental and African Studies on December 2, 1961, to discuss the position of sociology in Asia. Papers dealing with India, China, Japan, Malaysia, Thailand and Indo-China and Burma were presented at the conference. Coverage was thus fairly comprehensive, though certain areas, including the whole of the Middle East, were left out on this occasion. The aim of speakers present at the conference was to assess the present state of knowledge about societies they were considering, with special reference firstly to sociologists of Asian nationality and secondly to the current contribution of British scholarship. Papers that were presented, while they showed wide variation in the state of sociology in different countries, also showed for Asia as a whole a volume of work being done which western sociologists could ill afford to ignore. Some criticism arose in the discussion of the idea of regional research entrees and of inter-disciplinary teams assembled for area studies. There was discussion also of the alleged problem of translating sociological concepts into Chinese or Japanese.

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The article discusses operations research in China. This type of research was emerged during the liberation of mathematics in the country. Under the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party, mathematics has striven forward. Linear programming, numerical analysis, mathematical statistics, and differential equations are the most important mathematical methods that have been applied. The essential achievement of this direction of research is not the results already attained but rather its profound influence for the future.

Malthusian theories are not an exclusive intellectual discovery of European writers. They have occurred elsewhere, in period of rapid population increase. In this paper, a Chinese example is analysed and the relevant essays translated. The essays were written at the same time that Malthus published his ideas and contain most of Ii is philosophical notions but are not supported by any statistical evidence. Unlike those of Malthus in Europe they did not evoke any controversy in China, although their author was well known as a man of letters and close to the central authority. Today, of course, Malthusianism is a subject much discussed in China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Family Structure is a core social unit and fundamental social change necessarily involves a redefining of such a basic structural element. The leadership of the People's Republic of China, largely through specific attention to mate selection and marital arrangements and rituals, has attempted to strengthen the conjugal bond and weaken the filial bond in the Chinese family. Information gathered from press reports, and more importantly, Chinese families, suggests significant changes have occurred in the area of mate selection. It was found that a marriage between two well-acquainted individuals characterizes one-half of rural marriages and all urban marriages of respondents since 1958. The socially and geographically mobile youth are most likely to many freely because they are beyond parental control, and they have participated in heterosexual peer relationships in school and on the job. Closer examination reveals, however, that changes in the more complex areas of obligations and responsibilities to the household and parents are much slower to manifest. The ultimate form and style of the family relationships will be in large part determined by the balance between the community and peers and the family. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's first public opinion poll was fittingly inaugurated on the her national anniversary, October 10, 1942. To Americans, accustomed to reading daily reports on the state of their opinion, this may not seem an important event, but in China it marks the first real recognition of the value of understanding public attitudes apart from their concrete expression in political activity. Even today many of China's scholars and officials do not believe in the existence of public opinion in the sense Americans have come to take for granted. According to one American-trained professor of political science and member of China's People's Political Council, public opinion in China is restricted to the articulate, educated minority. His views are entirely consistent with the Chinese historical tradition of government by scholars, but they are not consistent with the actual facts of political force in China today. Even in this restricted group of intellectuals, any opinion which differs from that of official circles must be discounted. Such is the semi-official view of public opinion in China, and so this initial step in public opinion surveys, made in spite of this attitude, is doubly encouraging.

The article focuses on various methods of news reporting in China. To report the vast area of China, with nearly a quarter of the world's population, only a few correspondents of foreign news agencies and newspapers were regularly stationed there. The larger American news agencies, and a few American daily news-papers, stationed foreign correspondents in Shanghai, China, which became news center for all of continental Asia. When Sino-Japanese War broke out anew in July 1937, Americans had only a handful of correspondents in the Orient. Conditions of work of foreign correspondents in China and those in Europe are radically different. In China, the foreigner meets a strange language, which often remains a mystery to him for life. To get news to cable home, these correspondents are forced to tap the following poisoned springs of misinformation. Natives are employed to read, translate and digest the local China press.

The iron and steel manufacturing apparatus in mainland China has been developed through several major stages, each of which manifests a distinctive pattern underlined by certain overriding factors. From the embryonic period at the turn of this century to World War II, transportation, capital availability, and market condition were alternately the chief determinant in the location of this industry. Since the Communist take-over and through the various construction and expansion programs, particularly as a result of the development of new resources, a new pattern has taken shape which tends to guide the future growth of this industry. This paper offers a locational analysis of the major nuclei in the emerging pattern and their effect upon the development of the secondary centers in the various regions of China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on inflation in China from 1937 to 1947. A conclusive study of the development of inflation in China is impossible without more complete data pertaining to the aggregate effect of the wars on China's economy, and it can be made only after the nation has returned to normal. Although the data presented in this paper and the statistics derived there from are not all that one could wish for, they are nevertheless more complete than anything hitherto available, and on a number of critical points, are fairly adequate. The use of these provisional data may likewise find justification in the fact that more definitive figures will probably not be obtainable for many years to come. Perhaps no nation has experienced a more serious inflation than China during the war and postwar years since 1937. In order to survey the current situation, it seems appropriate to review first the manner in which inflationary pressures were set up during the war. In this section the survey is devoted to the developments up to V-J Day in August 1945. Postwar events will be dealt with in the succeeding sections. The movements of prices, as emphasized by the official indices furnish an appropriate starting point.