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Bangladesh has a very high population density. Scarce land and the rapid increase of population of the country are creating high pressure over land-man ratio. Land ownership record system is insufficient and incomplete in Bangladesh. As a result, it spills out jumbled and spontaneous land development throughout the country, especially in the major cities. In this situation, it is important to establish a compatible land administration and management system for establishing a systematic approach for planned land development. Land Information System (LIS) is the most accountable and feasible systematic approach for developing an up-to-date land administration and management. LIS is related to various quantitative and qualitative aspects of land resource. Holding different cartographic information, LIS facilitates capturing, retrieval, and querying of information and provides tools to perform different analyses. Based on the secondary information by literature review, this paper is aimed at studying the existing land administration system, and recommending feasible interventions and strategy of LIS for creating an efficient land administration and management policy for Bangladesh. This paper also focuses on the challenges of LIS that are needed to be resolved for framing the existing land administration and management policy for planned and controlled growth of Bangladesh.DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3329/jbip.v2i0.9572Journal of Bangladesh Institute of Planners Vol. 2, December 2009, pp. 116-125

The purpose of this paper is to re-examine the meaning of “non-natural use” of land as a criterion in determining liability under the rule in Rylands v. Fletcher, in the light of modern developments, particularly in the field of public law.

Effective land use and land management policies are based ideally on data collected from land classification and land evaluation procedures. This paper describes a method employed in classifying and evaluating land for the production of lodge-pole pine (Pinus contorta var. latifolia) in the Hinton–Edson area of Alberta. Initially, a soil survey was conducted in the area. Productivity of various collections of soils was then obtained by statistically comparing soil information derived from the soils map with forest growth information obtained from the continuous forest inventory program of North Western Pulp and Power Limited of Hinton. Results indicate that aspect has minimal effect on pine productivity except for sandy and gravelly soils. General differences in growth were related to soil parent material, climate, drainage, and physiography, and more specific differences were attributed to soil subgroup, soil series, soil reaction, and percent slope. It was realized that pine growth is a function of pedological, landform, and climatological factors, and all must be considered when evaluating productivity.

Climate change and its effects on the water resources therefore also, livelihood is a major global concern. Water scarcity is already a major problem for the world poor, and changes in rainfall and temperature associated with climate change will likely make this worse. This indicates that efficient and effective management of the available water becomes essential for overall development, improving livelihoods and maintaining food sufficiency. Watershed management carries number of activities managing water resource to address the ever increasing water resource problems. Therefore, watershed management could be one of the tools to cope with climate change managing scarce water resource. This paper describes some of the watershed activities dealing with water resource management. Key Words: Watershed management, Climate change, Run off, Degraded land rehabilitation DOI: 10.3126/init.v2i1.2526 The Initiation Vol.2(1) 2008 pp33

sIn both China and India agriculture is the key sector and yet detailed comparisons of agricultural development in the two economies are difficult to obtain. A major problem is, of course, the availability and reliability of data. This paper puts together some of the information that is now available and assesses its reliability to draw some rough generalizations.On the whole it seems that agricultural production in the two countries has grown at fairly similar rates. In terms of absolute level Chinese yield per hectare in most crops, of course, exceeds that of India by a significant margin, but this has been true for quite a long time in the past.In provision of inputs like organic and inorganic fertilizers and irrigation water the Chinese performance has been much better than that of India. Both countries have devoted not a very low proportion of their total gross investment to the agricultural sector. But the effectiveness of this investment has been quite unsatisfactory on account of, among other things, technical deficiencies and faulty planning in both countries, and the excesses of over enthusiastic but unskilled party cadres in China and a very much restricted framework of village institutions and administrative setup in India. In land policy much of the period under consideration was taken up in China in bold experimentations—with the inevitable advances and retreats—in search of the optimum size of land management in a backward peasant economy, while in India in spite of copious land legislation some of the crucial land relations have remained basically unaltered. The Chinese policy of moving away from age-old small-scale family farming and of emphasizing joint management of land and labour has, on the one hand, significantly strained peasant incentives, but on the other hand rid Chinese agriculture of the burden of uneconomically small and fragmented holdings, tenurial insecurity and crop sharing which still afflict a substantial part of Indian agriculture. The problem of ensuring enough marketed surplus of foodgrains to feed the nonagricultural sector has, however, remained unsolved in both countries, in spite of all changes in institutions and production.

In September 1962 the Tussock Grasslands and Mountain Lands Institute produced a Directory of Research listing projects and personnel concerned with the tussock grasslands and mountain lands. The number of people involved was about 100 and the number of separate projects more than 150. It is obvious that, in trying to survey advances being made in the tussock grasslands, I cannot mention more than a few of these workers. Failure to mention them does not mean that I do not appreciate the value of their work; merely that a paper such as this should be more than just a catalogue. Everyone has his own definition of tussock grassland and the area involved, but I am discussing some 11 ,OOO,OOO acres, mainly in the South Island, carrying about two and a half million sheep and 40,000 cattle and having an importance to the New Zealand economy which cannot be. assessed in stock numbers alone. In sheep equivalents these lands could be claimed to carry about one to four acres but in places so much of the area is devoid of vegetation that stocking rates in the conventional sense mean little. Wool is the basic produc.t, yielding at least 80 per cent of the gross return, and the flocks consist of over half Merinos, a little less than one-third half-breds, and one-sixth Corriedales. I propose to review only some of the advances made since 1950. In that year a statement was made at this Association’s conference that “to New Zealand as a whole the tussock grasslands are of value for one purpose only, that is, the feeding of livestock”. That statement went unchallenged. I think most people in New Zealand would now agree on the importance of the tussock grasslands from the point of view of soil and water conservation, of their value in regulating stream-flow for stock water on the plains, for the generation of hydro-electricity, and for irrigation. Another statement made was not challenged either. I quote: “It is, however, necessary to consider carefully whether or not a legume should be introduced into unploughable tussock country.

FARM WOODLOTS AND OTHER woodlands may be operated or managed, obviously, so as to be a profitable type of land use. I need hardly recall the fact that left to themselves, or at least to the inattention of the Indian population, the soil, climate, and natural characteristics of our tree species gave us a forest heritage equaled by no other nation in the world. The question is how best to harness or direct the new American's activities so that he will at least permit nature to function properly so that these forests may be perpetuated. On the field trip conducted in connection with the fortieth annual meeting of the Society for the Protection of New Hampshire Forests, held last year in Coos County, we visited three farms which, though not ideal, at least approached the best existing practice in the relationship of the farmer to his environment. Each of these farms was owned and operated by a shrewd Yankee. Each had been using the facilities of the Extension Service for some years and applying to his own operations whatever he felt to be sound of the information he derived. Each had requested a cruise and working plan of his forest area and was cutting annually or periodically according to this plan and selling through a cooperative marketing agency. The allowable cut ran from 1/7 to 1/4 cord per acre, not, to be sure, an extraordinarily large amount. The essence of success in these samples of woodlot management, however, is the type of ownership. The owner is one who actually gets out in the woods to supervise and take part in the work. He is intelligent enough to preserve the growing ability of the forest which, besides yielding a stumpage value for the wood, perpetuates an opportunity for the owner to expend labor and use teams and equipment, when there is nothing else to do, or at least nothing that promises as much reward. Unhappily, it is not so over the majority of New England farms. The usual type of owner finds it simpler and safer, financially, to make no plans, but to collect periodically whatever windfall he may get from a peripatetic sawmill operator. At the same meeting we visited lands of the St. Regis Paper Company. In cooperation with the Forest Service, this concern cut a "pilot area" of 725 acres last winter. The area was cut over for spruce saw logs in 1900 and again, partially, in 1920. The hurricane damaged part of it in 1938, * An address delivered before the National Resources Planning Board Land Committee, Boston, Oct. 28, 1941.

RM /rANY DECISIONS about major commitments to particular land and water uses are basically "irreversible," to use Wantrup'sl term, and self-destructive as defined by Shackle.2 Once made, the participants cannot return to their former position; subdivisions are not easily made into open space nor does one dam site readily replace another after the installation is in place. The decisions are not repeated in large numbers. The elements making action possible are destroyed in the act. The bases for these decisions are expectations, not with certainty, but with uncertainty about the turn of future events. The act of decision is creative of a new situation; it is man stepping into the unknown of the next moment of time. These are not situations in a determined system or even a game, although institutions exist in a dynamic sense, and their structuring effect is itself the subject of decision. To the uncertainties faced by an individual in making a landor water-use decision must be added those inherent in public group action-action which is public policy and which, more often than not, decides the ends simultaneously with the means. My own attention in this paper centers upon the public sphere but necessarily includes the interaction of both. The processes by which the public decisions are made have been analyzed by Lindblom3 as being incremental mutual adjustments, and some observers of this process have been called due-process realists by Schubert.4 All this implies the dynamic-pluralistic frame of reference of midtwentieth century western democracy. It is within this context that land and water planning must be organized and function, whether at the local, state, or national level. The planners face the question of what to do-to zone, to buy a park site, to construct a road, to cut timber, to build a dam, to reserve land from food production, or one of many other types of decisions. These are not empty decisions; they are real, albeit bound by a dynamic situational context with stochastic elements. Does planning make sense from this standpoint? Do we share the point of view recently expressed by a water planner in California, "What I'm

Conservation: Economics and Policies, e has been widely cited in the natural resource literature in several disciplines since its publication in 1952 [7]. Despite an abundance of citations, there is reason to suspect that Ciriacy-Wantrup's rigorous treatment of certain fundamental concepts has been neither fully recognized nor exploited by subsequent researchers. This paper focuses on one such concept, i.e., interactions between use rates and subsequent resource flows. Empirical application is made through ex post analysis of a large set of public range investments, the Vale Project (Bureau of Land Management) in eastern Oregon. An argument is developed that the methodology employed here is both necessary in terms of theoretical underpinnings and facilitative in terms of quantitative measurement.'

[1] CARLSON, WILLIAM A., "The Planning-Programming-Budgeting System in the U.S. Department of Agriculture," paper presented during a seminar on Executive Orientation in PPBS conducted for USDA, Forest Service, Region 9 personnel by the U.S. Civil Service Commission's Bureau of Training, Milwaukee, Wis., Feb. 1, 1968. [2] GRIFFIN, C. W. JR., "The 'Nopanaceists,"' Atlantic Monthly 218:76-77, Sept. 1966.

The simulation model discussed in this paper the dynamics of future land use. If the processes evolved from problems encountered in estimating underlying land use shifts are quantified, then future future United States cropland availability as part of adjustments in land use can be projected. Further, the OBERS agricultural projection system.l Available specifications of the underlying shifts in land use literature describing land use changes indicate that makes it possible for resource economists to provide land resource economists have not been concerned policy makers with economic intelligence concerning with projecting future patterns of land use implied by the variables that influence future use of the land historic observations [2, 3, 4]. resource, or alternatively, suggest changes in Some research has involved selection of optimum economic, social, or institutional variables to insure cropping patterns for agricultural cropland subject to that desired future land use is realized. Quantification alternative flood plain management policies [7]. of the inter-land use relationships is accomplished by However, the broader application of such models development of a Markov chain land use simulation between sectors (agriculture, industrial, urban, etc.), model. in the main, has been ignored. Because of "historical

For the ecologist, forest primary production and biomass have somewhat different connotations than they have for the forester. Ecologists are concerned with total forest primary production and biomass, whereas foresters, at least in the past, were concerned only with primary production of the merchantable portion of the forest (Ovington 1965). However, the forester's views have somewhat diversified as a result of the tremendous pressures put upon our remaining forests (Young 1968). They recognize that ecology is basic to forest land management and that all forest processes must be considered for optimization of forest productivity and biomass. Total dry matter production is considered to be a measure of the forest's efficiency to fix energy in all components of the ecosystem. Total dry matter production is also a measure of total energy input to the system with its subsequent dissipation of energy by respiring organisms. To maximize primary production and biomass accretion for fibre production, it is logical to consider all energy pathways of the ecosystem. The material presented in this paper is part of the data collected from June 1968 to June 1971 in order to gain some insight into ecosystem dynamics of an oak-hickory forest in central Missouri, U.S.A. Data are given for net primary productivity (NPP) and biomass of herbaceous vegetation, shrubs, saplings and trees. Root NPP and biomass are not considered here.

officers operate under the guidance of a few general rules set down in the Taylor Grazing Act and under an elaborate set of rules-The Federal Range Code-evolved by the Bureau of Land Management. Since each district differs from the others, the general rules must be modified in their application to particular districts. It is the purpose of this paper to examine the problems of range administration as they relate to the local variations of natural and cultural features in southern

An impression has spread that, in our great altruistic surge toward better housing and toward decent living places for the low-income groups, the principal opposing influence has been what is often enough referred to editorially as the selfish real estate interests. In this paper I have been asked to give the point of view of those interests. The truth of the matter is that the surge toward a new day in housing began to rise, markedly, some time before the depression. It has back of it the whole real estate and construction industry. It is the life-force of the industry. Real estate boards have consistently opposed the method of governmental subsidy where subsidized projects would overload a neighborhood and further disorganize local values. The point of view of real estate has been this: You cannot bring in low-cost housing or take out slums, in a way that is economically sound, unless you attack the job in the light of the city's whole need: its whole housing problem, and its whole problem of land use and land values.