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Four recent collections of essays lend credence to the impression of progress in sociological scholarship. Sociology Today presents revisions of papers originally prepared for the 1957 annual meeting of the American Sociological Society, under the presidency of Robert K. Merton. With fair consistency the authors have presented an appraisal of its current state with reference to the more or less standard specialties encompassed by contemporary sociology, and with somewhat less consistency the authors have essayed the task of identifying current problems of theory and method. The Symposium on Sociological Theory consists of nineteen longish chapters and an extended introduction by the editor. Review of Sociology and Sociology in the United States of America are comparable in topical coverage to Sociology Today. In a paper of major importance Reinhard Bendix and Bennett Berger have suggested renewed attention to the many "dual tendencies," simultaneously present, which sociologists conventionally recognize but conveniently forget in their preoccupation with self-regulating systems.

Two mimeographed papers were circulated through the mails before the meeting to a selected list of persons interested in the subject of economic nationalism, one by P. H. Knight on, "The Implications of Nationalism to Economic Theory," and the other by Max Handman on "Nationalism and the Industrial Revolution." This article analyzes these papers. In introducing the discussion of his paper, Knight stressed its constructive import against an impression reported that it seemed to try to close the door against any hope for liberty. It did aim to bring out the seriousness of the situation, but less on the ground of historical inevitability in the abstract than of inference from the ordinary behavior of men in group relations today, and the motives manifested. Professor Handman presented a brief outline of his paper with an enumeration of the forms of nationalism and particularly of nationalism as shown in protectionism and imperialism. The effects of the Industrial Revolution were described with particular reference to India, Germany, Italy and Spain. He concluded that wherever nationalism strives to obtain the advantage in productive technique which is a characteristic of the Revolution, the reason is not to be sought in the economic advantages, which such an increase in production might give, but rather in the increase of international power and prestige which an effective productive system brings with it.

Supervision of workers in a group has been tried in a variety of ways to achieve a variety of goals. This paper will describe an experiment with group supervision undertaken by the Jewish Family Service of New York several years ago, the focus here is on one of the goals of the experiment, namely, helping the caseworker achieve greater independence and thereby accelerating his professional development. The experiment was an attempt by the agency to do something positive about the complaints of recent years that workers are frequently caught up in a stage of interminable dependency, that other professions move more quickly to independence and the use of consultation than do social workers, and that the close personalized relationship in individual supervision characteristic of social work contributes to infantilizing the worker. The paper will first present the distinctions among the various types of supervision carried on in groups; then, based on experience, some generalizations about the characteristics of this particular supervisory process; finally, four illustrations that will demonstrate various phenomena and how they were handled in the group.

This article presents a response to the comments made by scholar Tervor Lummis on the paper "Charles Booth and Labor Colonies in 1889-1905." Lummis directly or indirectly raises some general points, discussion of which was limited by lack of space in the original article. His position is unclear, especially on the relationship between scholar Charles Booth's views and those of his contemporaries. He seems to accept, if only by implication, that Edwardian legislation was molded by distinctive moral assumptions; that a major influence behind it was the discussion of policy by those whose social investigations had given them the status of acknowledged experts; and that in their views a preoccupation with the effects of environment on character can be seen. He appears at times to suggest that Booth, in spite of the deference paid to him and the constant reference to his work, was isolated from contemporary opinion by his greater objectivity. Nevertheless, Lummis does discuss Booth's influence, which he sees almost entirely in traditional terms: it ended the confusion between moral and social problems and supplied new economic criteria for the determination of policy.

Presents the author's reply to comments made by several economic historians on his paper "Wealth of Jamaica." Information on errors of wealth and income measurement in the author's paper; Denial that plantations and plantation colonies in the West Indies were profitable enterprises by researcher Robert Paul Thomas; Discussion on the measurable aspects of the sugar colonies of the old empire; Table showing the value of Jamaica's exports of sugar products to Great Britain and Ireland.

The article presents discussions by economists on some papers that are published in the May 1, 1970 issue of the journal "American Economic Review." The author states that economist Harry Magdoff's paper, published in the present issue of the journal, reminds its readers that neoclassical economics deals with market relations and not with power relations. The study of imperialism, in contrast, is mainly concerned with the level of coordination above that of the market where state power is used to manipulate the economic framework within which supply and demand interplay. The analytical focus is the way one-country exercises power over another and how this affects trade, development and the distribution of income. According to the author, the first point to be stressed is that the neoclassical model, which includes market equations and excludes political equations is misspecified and yields biased estimates and wrong predictions. The comfortable assumption that one can concentrate on economic relations and leave the analysis of power to other disciplines is not tenable when one admits the crucial role of the state in shaping the economy through its policies on infrastructure, education, production and other things.

A conference paper is presented concerning Edmund Burke, political theorist and agent of New York. It discusses Burke's study "An Account of the European Settlements in America." Burke's first speech in the British Parliament on January 27, 1766 is also discussed. Several quotes from Burke are provided.

This article analyses, in relation to the West Indian colonies, the changes during Joseph Chamberlain's Colonial Secretaryship in Great Britain's Colonial Office attitudes and policy towards the supply and expenditure of capital from these three sources. The modernization of the sugar industry by amalgamation of estates and the introduction of new techniques was most successfully pursued between 1870 and 1895 in British Guiana and Trinidad. It was financed by private capital. No imperial grants or loans were available, for the policy of the British government after 1870 was to extend direct financial assistance to the West Indies only for exceptional purposes such as hurricane relief. The Colonial Office adopted a similar attitude to non-planting enterprise before 1895, namely that, in general, colonial governments should not financially assist private individuals or particular industries. Secretaries of State and officials showed little awareness of the need to overcome the reluctance of capitalists to invest in the West Indies outside the sugar industry; indeed they tended to regard most private concessionaires with suspicion. In these circumstances the main source of capital expenditure in the West Indian colonies between 1870 and 1895, apart from that undertaken by the sugar planters, was colonial government expenditure on public works, especially communications, largely financed by loans raised on the London capital market.

The article examines the transformation of commercial policy in Western economic institutions under the impact of economic nationalism in Southeast Asia. The paper's thesis is that commercial policy in postwar Southeast Asia is intelligible in terms of the economic content of nationalism, rather than in terms of efforts to accelerate economic growth. In the first section, international trade theory is discussed, including ideas about economic policy and processes of economic growth. The author then discusses the assessment of the developmental content of an economic policy. Commercial policy in postwar Southeast Asia is detailed.

The article discusses a crisis in Italian colonial opinion. Recently a morning newspaper carried the headline that dictator Benito Mussolini had declared that Italy's security in Africa depended upon the elimination of the Ethiopian army. In saying this he reiterated the repeated claim of Italian colonialists that the warlike preparations and unfriendly attitude of Emperor Haile Selassie necessitated and justified military operations on the part of Italy. This argument, connected as it is always with statements that colonies are necessary to the well-being of Italy, brings to mind the fact that at one time most Italians thought that Africa was composed of barren bits of sand, swamp, and mountain. This time was nearly forty years ago, when Italy's leaders very nearly decided to surrender all right and title to her footholds on the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean. It is the object of this paper to describe the usually adverse opinion on the subject of colonies which prevailed in Italy after the battle of Adowa and to account for the failure of the Italian government to trust the convictions of the Prime Minister.

This article examines the appropriateness of the eighteenth-century press as a source reflecting the political attitudes of colonial Americans, based on the assumption that content analysis is a useful tool for studying such attitudes. Newspapers are still the most important tools in expressing and shaping public opinion. Although it may be impossible to measure the influence of the colonial newspaper directly, the conclusion that it was an important means of communication in colonial American does not seem unwarranted. Its continuous publication at regular weekly intervals enabled the printers to expose the colonists to a certain body of news and opinion, as well as to certain patterns of symbol usage, over a long period of time. The life span of many newspapers is indirect evidence that the colonists were willing to accept or at least to read the news and opinions offered. Content-analysis research bases the size of samples upon the degree of sensitivity to trends needed for testing a set of hypotheses.

The article focuses on productivity changes that took place in American colonial shipping during 1675-1775. The purpose of this article is to determine with reasonable accuracy the productivity change which occurred in shipping engaged in colonial waters, 1675-1775. The available evidence clearly indicates that substantial improvements were taking place. Despite the variation in rates among commodity routes, the general trend is unmistakably downward. It is concluded that the uncompounded increase per annum in shipping productivity ranged between 0.6 per cent and 3.1 per cent by commodity route with a general index suggesting an overall increase of approximately 1.35 per cent per annum. Improvements taking place in shipping were fundamental to the growth of trade and the development of an integrated market economy. Since transportation costs by land were prohibitively high for most items, the bulk of goods traded went by water, both among regions in the American colonies and among the colonies and Europe, the West Indies, and elsewhere. An important aspect of increased shipping productivity was the effect it had on the extensive development of the colonies.

The article presents a paper on Marxist Rosa Luxemburg's analysis of the impact of imperialism on non-capitalist economies or sectors. Luxemburg sets out her own thesis that the surplus value of a dynamic capitalist economy can be realized only by social organizations of a non-capitalist type. To stay alive capitalism invades the non-capitalist world. The boundary between these worlds is conceptual, not geographic, although the two often coincide. The theory of imperialism must attempt to embrace the categories of economics, politics, sociology and social anthropology. This includes the conflict between traditional social relationships, for example in property ownership, and the needs of the metropolitan economy, the character of the satellite State as client to the metropolis, the direct links between the military of the satellite and the metropolis, the manner in which the imperial relation creates new classes in the satellite and how they affect its subsequent development and the role played by the academic servants of imperialism.

The article examines the concept of the Reciprocity Agreement of 1911, which was negotiated by representatives of the Canadian and U.S. governments. The agreement was designed to address the growing insistence of Canadian farmers upon freer access to market in the U.S. and for cheaper agricultural machinery and implements. However, the trade agreement was rejected by the Canadian people on 1911 because it was distorted by considerations of party politics and Imperialism. Other valid objections raised against the arrangement was the reference of the issue to the arbitrament of a general election and the insecurity of its duration.

The National Seminar on Social Changes was organised in November 1972, by the Institute for Social and Economic Change, Bangalore in collaboration with the Indian Council of Social Science Research, New Delhi, and the Indian Institute of Advanced Study, Simla, and it was attended by about forty scholars from all over the country and abroad. Nearly 30 research papers concerning various aspects of social change were submitted. The basic problem in the analysis of change in developing societies lay in the historical background of externally-imposed rather than internally-induced social change. The dependent countries did not always consciously opt for modernisation, and the latter process underwent distortion because it was deliberately adapted to the needs of the dominant country. The implications of not explicitly stating the value component in the analysis of change were several. First, by not separating the pre-colonial and postcolonial periods, continuity rather than discontinuity of the Indian social system was emphasised. Second, social structure was analysed by conceding primacy to the realm of values rather than to those of economy and power. Third, regional variations were not adequately taken into account.

The colonial policy is bound to assume new aspects since a flew generation of natives has grown up which has been educated in schools by Europeans in ways of thought that are European, and in using devices introduced by Europeans. The word crisis may be understood with the particular implication that inherent in imperialism is the hybris, the overbearing insolence of the dominant stratum, or at least of some of its representatives, which by recoiling automatically and inescapably leads to its nemesis. Such, at least, was the idea prevalent in the Second Annual Conference on World Problems devoted to imperialism and held under the auspices of the Division of Social Sciences of Howard University, Washington D.C. Representatives of Africa, India and China discussed the crisis of imperialism with colored Americans, while white Americans and Europeans were also heard. It was the author's privilege, on this occasion, to present a paper relevant to conditions in East-Africa. From this conference his understanding of the current problems benefited more than from any reading he might has done. What follows will endeavor to balance the contradictory views brought forward. In order to do so people should try to look upon the phenomenon of imperialism and its implications as processes of natural history. This is the only scientific approach. Political propaganda is a thing apart.

The article presents comments of economist Jonathan R.T. Hughes and Herman E. Krooss on research conducted by Lawrence Harper and Peter E. McClleland on Navigation Acts related to British Imperial Policy and its effect on colonial America. It is suggested that Navigation Acts had no important economic consequences, on the revolutionaries of Colonial America that could be measured by known evidence and quantitative techniques. Harper estimates that the burden of British policy was from $2 millions to $7 millions, depending upon whether one accepted his minimum or maximum estimates. Krooss comments on McClelland's papers by saying that it is refreshing and short and it avoids the worst sophistries of Occam's Razor and resorts to the fundamentals of simple economics. Disagreements among historians involve much more than the dollar-and-cents direct costs of the Navigation Acts. The "cement of empire" and the "ubiquity of smuggling" are the issues that remain arguable. As McClelland says, "What remains obscure is the motivation for colonial Indignation." And precise methodology and the right numbers do not cast any further light on this essential obscurity.

The article focuses on state-owned business enterprises in underdeveloped nations. It comments on the use of foreign assistance programs to enable developing nations to become self-sufficient. It states that private foreign enterprise is often viewed as akin to colonialism and mentions that many developing countries are former colonies. It suggests that state-owned business enterprises do not need to represent a commitment to socialism. It states that the U.S. is in a position through financing state enterprises to improve the country's performance, possibly through a combination of education and conditions stipulated with loans and grants used for state enterprises.

Trade unionism and politics are closely related in many developing countries, but they appear to be especially intimate in those countries which have recently gained their political independence from colonial rule. In such countries, nationalist movements were often built on a trade union base during the recent colonial period and continued to share common leadership and constituencies after independence. Consequently, in the former colonial countries there is fruitful ground for the extension of the East-West ideological struggle to the labor movement. This article describes in some detail Communist labor strategy in a variety of former colonial countries, particularly in Africa and Asia, since the death of Stalin in 1953. The transformation of the World Federation of Trade Unions from a propaganda arm to an active instrument of policy and the subordination of local or national Communist groups to the international political interests of the Soviet Union are marked features of the events described by the author. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In presenting several papers in this issue of the journal "Social Work," reminds anew of the ever widening horizons of practice. This does not mean that rehabilitation is a separate field, still less that it is a new specialization. Rather, skills and insights, sometimes too isolated, sometimes too scattered, are being brought together as well as the new therapeutic processes which are constantly being developed under various auspices. Rehabilitation is the acknowledged goal of family treatment in both public and private welfare efforts. Social services in convalescent centers, sheltered workshops and child welfare backgrounds. No one profession can bring about rehabilitation. Effective programs are multi-discipline. Professional roles will be clarified but what one dares to hope is that social workers will be restrained by no false modesty in contributing their competence in psychosocial treatment to this purpose. The test of parenthood whether the adults can accept the increased frustration and dependency while continuing to support encourage, teach, bring out, and build on latent strengths.

The article focuses on the impact of scientific and technological advances in East Asia. According to the author, the flow of experts started before there was a formal U.S. government point four program in Asia. Moreover, the interchange of experts has characterized the past decade in east Asia, as the foregoing which highlights one aspect of the flow of experts. Furthermore, as Japan experience scientific advancement and become more westernized, it carries the results of the westernization to its colonies.

The article presents a definition of imperialism. The investment in education was part of loosely organized political and economic activism that ultimately became the basis for the mandates over Syria and Greater Lebanon after the First World War. An analysis of this particular style of imperialism must investigate the tensions inherent in the alliance of French diplomacy with Catholic missionary enterprise. Sporadic Uniate resistance to the influence of the Rome-based western Catholics sharpened the awareness among the Catholic missions of the threatening alternatives being posed by their western rivals.

Italians held large areas of the better agricultural land in Libya in 1940. Although the colonists in Cyrenaica were evacuated prior to British occupation, the majority of those in Tripolitania remained to face an uncertain future under British and then Libyan administration. The pace of land transfers accelerated after the 1956 Italo-Libyan Accord and spread from planned settlements to private farms and estates By 1964, Libyans controlled practically all former Italian lands. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The modern military development of the British East and West African territories reached its highest level during World War II. Great Britain at that time put aside her standing policy of maintaining establishments sufficient only for colonial domestic needs and recruited forces for general use against Germany, Italy, and Japan.1 Building on a base provided by the Royal West African Frontier Force and the King's African Rifles of East and Central Africa, Britain recruited approximately 470,000 Africans during the war, including over 65,000 from the Gold Coast and 77,000 from Uganda; about 80 per cent of these were serving when the war ended. Although the majority enlisted in army infantry or service corps, tens of thousands served as artisans and technicians, and others in small naval and air establishments. Modern war requirements caused not only a restructuring of African colonial forces, but also forced considerable changes in military recruitment. The 'martial races' traditionally favoured by British officers had to be supplemented by large numbers of skilled and literate recruits from other African peoples; for example, the Ibo, Baganda, and Kikuyu. This rapid expansion of the forces also meant an increased need for British commissioned and non-commissioned officers, who were recruited from Great Britain as well as locally. The many different languages spoken by the new forces meant that simple English displaced Hausa in the west and, to a lesser degree, Swahili in the east, as the standard military language. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article focuses on the French colonial ideas before 1789. People favoring French colonial ideas appeared before 1789 and they had a remarkably complete classification of doctrines favoring the colonialism. The theories of these people as well as the retorts of the critics are examined in this article in context of certain general but all-inclusive categories into which modem colonial arguments can be divided. The six categories into which the colonial arguments are divided are the religious; the moral-with its subdivisions; the economic; the military; the pretentious and the sociological category.

This article presents information on the economic policy practiced in colonial Africa. The purpose of this article is to illustrate certain crucial but neglected features of British policy by focusing upon the local administrators, their attitudes and beliefs, and the institutions through which they worked. The concept of an open economy can have several implications, but for present purposes it will be sufficient to remember two, economic growth was envisaged essentially in terms of the promotion of a narrow range of export staples, while imports mainly took the form of consumer goods which were taxed for revenue, rather than for the promotion of infant industries. Within this broad classification a variety of patterns emerged. White settlers or exploitable mineral deposits, for example, could significantly influence economic structure and policy. But all African economies, planter, peasant, or mining, were subject to the exigencies of world markets for primary products which, over a comparatively short period, were buffeted by two major wars and a great depression.

Comments on an article regarding the imperialism of free trade as a description of British overseas expansion in the middle decades of the nineteenth century. Existence and maintenance of control both by formal and informal means; Continuity in the development of British interests and ambitions overseas; Overview of the abnormal level of activity by politicians and officials in the promotion of British trade and investment in distant non-colonial territories overseas; Existence of a tradition of active government intervention.