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Presents excerpts of papers presented to the IRRA during its winter 1966 meetings in San Francisco, California. Processing employment discrimination cases; Effect of economic change on the Michigan labor force; Technological displacement as a micro phenomenon.

This paper draws attention to the relevance of factors in both the external and internal environment on organizational efforts to incorporate the disadvantaged into the workforce. Of particular importance to the success of such endeavors is an awareness of the differences which arise from institutional affiliation. Institutional differences exert a major influence on policies and procedures relating to manpower planning, e.g., recruitment, selection, and training. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper has demonstrated that differences in the occupational, unemployment, and income data of blacks relative to whites can be accounted for in large part in terms of relative discrimination. That is, while schooling brings absolute gains for blacks-higher occupational status, lower unemployment rate, and higher income-whites not only reap similar benefits from schooling but do so at an increasing rate relative to blacks. Besides explaining past data, the relative discrimination hypothesis offers implications for the equalization of educational opportunities. Presumably, the integration of public schools has as an objective, in addition to its social goals, the narrowing of the economic gap separating white and black America. Unless school desegregation is accompanied by the elimination of discrimination in employment, the relative discrimination hypothesis predicts that blacks will experience absolute gains, but will be worse off relative to their white counter-parts. School desegregation can be expected to ease racial tensions over economic issues if blacks judge their progress in absolute terms. However, if economic progress is measured in relative terms, then a policy which has held out the promise of economic progress not only will have failed to keep that promise but may have made the situation worse. This presentation should not be construed as an argument against equalization of educational opportunities; rather, it is an argument for ending discrimination in employment as well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article comments on a study entitled The Decline in the Relative Income of Negro Men, which investigated the trend in the relative income of African American men from 1948-1964. The purpose of the present paper is to investigate two of the propositions in the study regarding the trend in the income ratio of the employees. First, the hypothesis that fluctuations in aggregate demand affect the income ratio of African American male workers is analyzed. Second, a trend in relative income from 1948 to 1964 is sought in order to verify the conclusion in the study that the 1950s were characterized by a decline in the African American and U.S. employees income ratio. Thus, the values of the income ratio of the employees from 1939 to 1964 are recorded. Assuming that the 1939 value accurately reflects the relative income of African American workers in the pre-World War II period, there appears to be a dramatic increase since that time. Hence, the analysis of the study suggests that the secular increase in the income ratio represents a decline in discrimination against African American workers. However, this decline may merely reflect the migration of the workers from the South to the less discriminating North rather than a decline in the U.S. propensity to discriminate.

This paper grew out of my work as director of the Negro Employment in the South (NES) project funded by the Office of Research and Development, Manpower Administration, U.S. Department of Labor. A two-volume work based on that project The employment of southern blacks--is forthcoming from the Olympus Publishing Company. I am grateful to all of my colleagues on the NES project for their help in formulating the ideas expressed in this paper, but especially to Virgil Christian and Arvil Van Adams. The project originated with and was initially supported by Phyllis Wallace when she was in the Research Department of the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. Howard Rosen and Ellen Sehgal supported this effort throughout and encouraged me to develop the idea expressed in this paper. I am also grateful to the following for their criticism of various drafts of this paper: Marcus Alexis, Orley Ashenfelter, Vernon Briggs, Karen Davis, Eli Ginzberg, Allan King, Sar Levitan, Mark Perlman, Naomi Perlman, and Mike Piore. Of course, I alone am responsible for any errors of logic or fact remaining after all of the valuable comments I have received. THE MAIN purpose of this paper is to examine the economic theory of racial discrimination. Except as it concerns evidence necessary for evaluating theories, it is not concerned with the empirical research on this subject.[1] Although some aspects of the economics of discrimination probably are applicable to sex and other forms of discrimination, the emphasis in this paper will be on racial discrimination. The first section outlines neoclassical models. This is followed by discussions of the dual labor market hypothesis and the ideas of certain radical economists. The final section contains a detailed critique of the neoclassical model. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In her article "Reverse Discrimination in Hiring in Sociology Departments," sociologist Barbara R. Lorch argues that portions of the HEW Affirmative Action Program guidelines in the U.S. have brought some reverse discrimination into sociology and threaten to bring more. In the first part of her article she contends that labor force utilization guidelines for determining the existence of discrimination and affirmative action search and hiring procedures are color conscious in ways which inherently discriminate in favor of minorities and women. In the remainder of her paper she presents a survey of department chairpersons' perceptions of coercion brought against them to hire minorities and women over more qualified white males as proof of the existence of reverse discrimination. Lorch's concerns are legitimate, but the author finds her arguments specious and misleading, dependent to a large extent upon a benign neglect of the complexities of past and present prejudice and discrimination for their persuasive thrust. This response to Lorch follows the order in which she presented her argument. The author finds that the Affirmative Action Program guidelines as written, though color and sex conscious, do not threaten group discrimination against whites, males, or white males, instead, such color and sex conscious criteria appear to be a necessary component in any method for identifying and countering past discrimination.

It is the purpose of this paper to inform the debate on sexual equality by reference to the economic analysis of discrimination, which has by no means figured prominently in the public discussion of the issue. This to some extent may be explained by the fact that no detailed British analysis of the economics of discrimination exists, despite a mushrooming of the American literature on the subject (which is mainly but not exclusively devoted to racial discrimination).[1] The first part of the paper attempts to analyze differences in employment activity in the labour force between the sexes and to examine how far these may explain sex wage differentials. This enables us to define more precisely what constitutes (pure) discrimination in the second section which surveys various economic models of discrimination, analyses them in terms of their applicability to sexual discrimination, and derives various propositions. In the third section statistical evidence is examined in relation to these propositions in so far as this is possible given the availability of data.[2] Finally, certain implications are drawn from the analysis in comparing the likely effects of equal pay and anti-discrimination legislation on the operation of the labour market. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The belief, that whites gain occupationally from the Negroes is an hypothesis only, and this hypothesis is investigated in this paper. If whites do benefit occupationally from discrimination against Negroes, one would expect the following specific hypotheses to be correct: First, White occupational status generally is higher in those localities in which discrimination against Negroes is greater. Second, White occupational status generally is higher in those localities in which the relative size of the Negro population is greater. The first of these hypotheses cannot be tested precisely because there is no really accurate measure of discrimination. One rough measure is the occupational status of Negroes, but this is influenced not only by the extent of discrimination but also by the relative size of the Negro labor force and by a number of other factors. The fact that first hypothesis cannot be tested precisely may not be a great hindrance to attaining the goal of this study. It is likely that the relative size of the Negro population varies considerably more by locality than does discrimination; therefore, to assume discrimination to be a constant for the purpose of testing hypothesis number two, is probably a justifiable simplification of reality.

This paper develops empirical tests of the utility analysis approach to wage discrimination within a given occupation. In one section, the general equilibrium prediction of negatively sloped relative racial demand curves is tested using cross-section regressions. In another section, actual employment segregation of whites and blacks is compared with the extent of segregation that would be expected on a purely random basis and the extent of segregation predicted by the stringent version of the utility analysis model. The evidence indicates that the employment segregation prediction of the utility analysis model is doubtful, but clarifies the influence of ethnic groups and economic development on racial wage differentials. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates labor market discrimination in the United States during the 1960s. Labor market developments in the 1960s (and to a lesser extent earlier) are changing the traditional pattern of market discrimination against African Americans. Evidence is building of substantial improvements in the position of African American workers and, particularly, of the educated African American who has long suffered the greatest relative disadvantages. In some important markets. Such as that for women or college graduates, discriminatory differences appear to have virtually disappeared. Preferential hiring and information quotas favoring blacks are not uncommon. The extent and rapidity of these changes in the market raise several questions regarding the economic analysis of discrimination and interpretation of black/white differences. The purpose of this paper is threefold: to review the evidence of a collapse in market discrimination, to examine the problems of explaining the change with current theory and to suggest, as a working hypothesis, a view of the U.S. discriminatory system designed to account for observed phenomena.

This article presents a study which seeks to break down the income differential between whites and non-whites in the U.S. into two categories: a differential resulting from differences in productivity factors not directly related to employment discrimination, and a residual unaccounted for by differences in productivity factors and which may result largely from employment discrimination. The paper provides estimates of the importance of various factors in explaining the money income differential between white and nonwhite urban males, 25 years of age and over, in 1960. Also presented in this paper are estimates using both mean and median earnings data for males in nonfarm occupations and consideration of regional differences in earnings differentials between white and nonwhite males. After adjustment for differences in education, scholastic achievement, age, region, and city size, the nonwhite median income is estimated between 81 and 87 percent of the white for urban males and 77 and 86 percent for males in nonfarm occupations .The results indicate that a large portion of the income differential between white and nonwhite urban males is the result of differences in quantity of education and scholastic achievement. Whites and nonwhites differ not only in quantity of education, but also in scholastic achievement level. Nonwhites are over represented in southern states. This reduces their income relative to whites because: incomes of both whites and nonwhites are lower in southern states than northern states and; the income differential is greater in southern states. Moreover, nonwhites are overrepresented relative to whites in the larger cities. Nonwhite urban males were overrepresented in the prime earning age categories in the U.S. in 1959. The South is generally believed to be more inclined toward employment discrimination than the North.

The article focuses on the discrimination against Negroes and Puerto Ricans in the New York Standard Metropolitan Statistical Area (SMSA). The paper is concerned with an assessment of the impact of occupational and educational differences on 1970 earnings levels of White, Negro, and Puerto Rican males in the New York SMSA. The analysis suggests that earnings differences between races largely reflect real skill differences rather than color based employer discrimination. It has been suggested that individuals within given occupations, especially in narrowly defined occupations, are likely to be of equal productivity. However, despite being rather detailed, the census occupational data are in no way sufficiently disaggregated to warrant the assumption of equal efficiency. Furthermore, within narrowly defined occupations there are likely to be productivity differences between workers as a result of differences in native ability, education, and training. Therefore, an attempt has been made to account for differences in skills.

One purpose of this paper is to examine the relations between turnover and wages, to determine whether this aspect of dual market hypotheses has much power in explaining observed racial wage rate differentials. A further purpose is to determine the influence of alternative forms of human capital investments, relative to other contributory factors, on observed racial differences in hourly wage rates. Clearly a part of the gross racial wage differential is attributable to a relatively low black endowment of schooling, training, experience, etc. But within the limitations imposed by the data, these influences are normally held constant in studies using a dummy variable for race to measure a net racial wage differential. As a consequence, the dummy variable approach obscures the sources of measured discrimination coefficients by assuming the same wage structure for each race, whereas residual racial wage differentials reflect the fact that a given characteristic is paid a different price, depending on the race of an individual.

This article focuses on racial differentials in male unemployment rates. One of the papers in the United States discussed high unemployment among nonwhite teenagers is often explained in terms of the disadvantaged environment from which this group comes. This suggests that even among males living in the inner-city, racial discrimination in employment may be important in explaining observed racial differentials in unemployment rates. This study examines the effects of race age on differentials in unemployment rates for males aged 16-21 and 22-34 living in low- income areas. Examining the impact of aging within each racial group, the results show that as a percentage of the observed unemployment rate differentials, the estimated age coefficients increase substantially for Spanish-speaking and white males. As male youths pass the age of twenty-one, the relative unemployment position of nonwhites tends to improve and racial disparities in job-related personal characteristics are substantially reduced. The evidence is broadly consistent with recent theories stressing the importance of labor market segmentation by race and age, particularly within low-income urban areas.

This paper tests for racial discrimination by white and nonwhite male workers using the states as the unit of observation. It is shown theoretically that white (nonwhite) employee discrimination creates a component of white (nonwhite) camings inequality within skill level which is higher, the higher the fraction of nonwhites in the labor force. The "job-rationing" hypothesis predicts a negative (positive) partial effect of percentage nonwhite on white (nonwhite) earnings inequality. Other discrimination hypotheses offer no prediction. Empirically, the effect of percentage nonwhite on earnings inequality is positive and significant for whites, but not significant for nonwhites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent empirical investigations have estimated differential earnings of white and nonwhite labor and education and have interpreted these differences as the combined effects of many forms of economic discrimination. In this paper we use a relatively straightforward model to analyze the implications of discrimination in markets for capital funds. The model is designed to focus upon intermarket flows of goods, in this case white to black, and represents a simple modification of the common excess demand and supply frame of reference. The empirical evidence suggests that earned rates of return do not vary with the race of farm operators as most "theories" of discrimination would suggest. However, there is evidence that rates of return increase with farm size, and Since Negroes operate smaller farms it is possible that discrimination has served as an impediment to expansion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article describes the social aspects of equal pay for men and women in teaching. The doctrine of equal rights which has gradually been developing in social philosophies has probably been a strong element in causing a tendency toward more equal pay for equal work. Woman suffrage, women on school committees, and on boards of education, the achievements of women in science and in literature have all been influential in creating an attitude of fair play. This has manifested itself, of course, more strongly in those fields where women always have been important, such as teaching. Before going on to a more detailed discussion of the situation as it is at present, this paper considers the arguments generally offered on both sides of the question. The usual argument offered by those who favor a higher salary for men regardless of the type of work performed is that men usually will require a higher economic stipend because they normally have or at any rate will have a family to support. Those opposed to this position can point out, of course, that some women also have dependents for whom they might also demand a greater wage.

This article focuses on a study, which explored the wage differences among women based on age and marital status. The results of the present study suggest that employment discrimination is much more important than wage discrimination and that failure to emphasize the former has tended to bias some of the previous empirical estimates of the magnitude of discrimination. Evidence is presented showing that women earn less than three-fifths as much as similarly qualified men. Finally, the article suggests that employment discrimination is not the only factor crowding women into low-productivity jobs, and that equal-pay legislation may actually increase such crowding and thus lower the earnings of women. Empirical studies of sex discrimination in the labor market usually proceed by decomposing the observed earnings differential into a component representing differences in the productivity or qualifications of men and women and a residual component representing discrimination. These studies have found an unexplained earnings gap ranging from 12 to 37 percent.

Both laymen and scholars have often argued that even well qualified blacks will be relegated to low skill, menial jobs because employment discrimination is most intense at the top of the job hierarchy. This article presents both theoretical and empirical data that are inconsistent with this theory of the pattern of employment discrimination. After adjustment for achievement, the nonwhite/white earnings ratio was found to be greater for college graduates than for any other educational grouping. This was true for all sex, region, and age groupings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Employment information, reported by approximately 2,700 recent science doctorates to the 1964 National Register of Scientific and Technical Personnel, indicates that the beginning academic rank of new scientists in college and university teaching positions is unrelated to sex. Over time, women in the natural sciences continue to receive promotions comparable to those of their male cohorts. However, women in the social sciences tend to be promoted less rapidly than men. Salary differentials, on the other hand, exist in both beginning and later academic positions, regardless of major field specialty, work setting, or academic rank. These data support the contentions of women doctorates that salary discrimination is practiced more severely than is discrimination regarding tenure or promotions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents a reply from the authors on the comment by writer Mark Ladenson regarding the previous article about the wage differential existing in the northern and southern states in the U.S. The authors finds the analysis of Ladenson objectionable on three grounds: a) his arbitrary exclusion of available data, b) his choice of a low budget cost of living as a deflator, and c) the possibility of heteroscedasticity which would render his testing procedure invalid. The North Central and western regions have significantly higher wages than the Northeast. Whether these differentials can be accounted for by some other explanatory variables, or whether they are equalizing differentials for nonpecuniary regional differences or whether the economy was simply in disequilibrium in 1967 are questions which can only he answered by further research.

The author replies to comments on his article about discrimination and income differentials, previously published in the journal "American Economic Review." The comments are helpful in clarifying some of the measurement difficulties encountered when one seeks to quantify the impact of employment discrimination on the relative income of nonwhites. They raise three major issues referring to the following: 1) that the contribution of productivity factors to the explanation of racial income differences is overstated; 2) that the actual income differential is more than explained by productivity differences; and, 3) that the comments raise the possibility that employment discrimination may have substantial feedback effects that contribute to productivity differences according to color.

This article examines the changes in the nonwhite and white income ratio (NWIR) in the U.S. from 1939 to 1967. Furthermore, the NWIR is analyzed according to its impact on the changes in regional composition, scholastic achievement, quantity of education and structural demand for highly educated labor on the magnitude of the white-nonwhite income differential during the period. Finally, it has been suggested that migration has contributed to income equality according to color, changes in other variables have reduced income gains in nonwhites.

Low-income families and individuals in urban areas today are at the bottom of the income scale as a result, in a vast number of cases, of situations over which they possess no direct control and for which they are not personally responsible. In a money economy such as of the U.S. the source of most urban income is earnings from employment. Those in the population with the lowest incomes either have limited earnings or none at all. Economic, social and personal factors account for the fact that the income of a significant portion of the urban population is low, in absolute as well as relative terms. Economic recessions, technological changes in productive processes, industrial disputes, seasonal demand for labor, creation of labor surplus areas as a result of net out-migration of industry from particular communities all are contributing causal factors. Social causes include discrimination in employment because of race, color, sex and religious belief and among families, loss of earnings of the head of the family because of his death or absence from the family group. Personal causes of low incomes are restrictions on employability and earning power resulting from illness.

The focus of this paper is the variance in the intensity of discrimination among occupations, a subject with deep theoretical roots dating back to Becket. Sections I and II contain a theoretical consideration of discrimination and a discussion of methods for measuring its intensity. In Section III estimates of the relative intensity of discrimination according to region and major occupation are derived for males. Similar estimates for intermediate occupations are found in Section IV.
In summary, there is persuasive evidence that the intensity of discrimination varies substantially among both major occupational groups as well as among intermediate occupations, both in terms of employment opportunity discrimination and on the basis of relative income ratios between nonwhites and whites. Sales and managerial occupations, some professions where consumer contact is important, and the major intermediate construction and metal crafts generally are areas of high discrimination. Among operatives, most clerical and service workers, especially the postal occupations and occupations somewhat remote from consumer contacts, employment discrimination and low income ratios are less likely to be found. In occupations which may serve a segregated clientele, such as teachers, clergymen, and some of the professions, employment discrimination is low but wage discrimination varies substantially. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Whether the presence of trade unionism in the U.S. economy exacerbates or mitigates the extent of labor market discrimination against black workers depends on the size of union/nonunion wage differentials for black and white workers as well as the extent to which black and white workers are unionized. This paper contains an analysis of the likely determinants of a union's policy regarding race and estimates of the effect of the presence of unionism on the average wage of black workers relative to the average wage of white workers under various types of union organizational structure. The results imply that in 1967 the ratio of black to white male wages might have been 4 percent higher in the industrial union sector and 5 percent lower in the craft union sector than they would have been in the absence of all unionism. Using several bodies of data, it has been found that the average wage of black workers relative to the average wage of white workers is consistently higher in unionized than in nonunion labor markets. It was also found that the proportion of black workers who are union members is virtually identical to the proportion of white workers who are union members. This does not imply that most, or indeed any, American trade unions do not discriminate against black workers. Quite to the contrary, there is substantial casual evidence to suggest that virtually all American trade unions do discriminate against black workers. What these results do imply is that there is apparently less discrimination against black workers in the average unionized labor market than in the average nonunion labor market, but not that discrimination is absent from the former.[42]. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents information related to the research programs being conducted in different departments of the University of Chicago, Chicago, Illinois. In the Graduate School of Business, professor Arnold R. Weber, has completed a monograph on incomes policy under the wage-price freeze of 1971. A related volume by him on the process of policy formulation during Phase II is forthcoming. A paper dealing with discrimination, labor turnover, and racial unemployment differentials is being prepared by professor Robert J. Flanagan, of the Graduate School of Business. Professor William K. Cummings, of the Department of Sociology, has completed a study on the role of education in Japanese occupational attainment. This research is based on a sample of almost 2,000 Japanese males between the ages of twenty and sixty five. At the Center for Health Administration Studies, professor Solomon W. Polachek is working on a number of studies dealing with male-female wage differentials. One of his current activities is a study of lifetime labor force participation rates and the wages earned by male and female physicians.

Poverty as viewed by organized labor must be combatted on a number of fronts. This paper by a labor spokesman summarizes the need for such weapons as removal of racial barriers, creation of new jobs, higher minimum wage laws, coverage of farm labor by wage and hour laws, new public works programs, more adequate public housing, decreasing cost of medical care, job training programs, and federal revision of state unemployment insurance and accident compensation laws. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers an explanation for the employment status of Negroes in the aerospace industry in the United States. Statistics show employment by race, sex, occupational group, and region. Regional differences in New England, Middle Atlantic, Midwest, South, and West Coast are discussed, as well as specific regions for 1966. Reasons for the low employment status of minorities include: a job structure that requires skilled workers; locational factors such as test facilities in remote areas; seniority systems where blacks are reluctant to bid for jobs; and training that is basic for job entry--not advancement. Two labor unions, the Congress of Racial Equality, and affirmative action are mentioned.

American business firms, with a few notable exceptions, have done very little to improve the position of the three least favored groups of people in South Africa¿Indians, Coloreds, and Blacks. General Motors and Polaroid have improved wages and other benefits to their employees. Other American firms should reduce discriminatory practices to effectuate principles applied in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents information on several articles published in books related to industrial and labor relations. Some of the books are: "Workers' Participation in Western Europe," by J.R. Appleyard; "Some Aspects of Workers Participation: A Trade Union Survey," by Christer Asplund; "Industrial Relations: A Contemporary Survey," by Richard Lowndes; "An Essay on the Relations Between Labour and Capital," by Charles Morrison; "Readings in Labor Economics and Labor Relations," by Richard L. Rowan; and "Collective Bargaining for University Faculty in Canada," by Adell, Bernard L. and D.D. Carter. Some other books and articles mentioned in the list are: "Notes on the Administration of Collective Bargaining Agreements," by James A. Craft; "Labor Arbitration and Overlapping Conflicting Remedies for Employment Discrimination," by Bernard D. Meltzer; "Standards for Admission to Membership in a Professional Organization of Neutrals in Labor Relations," by Frederic Freilicher; "Optimal Saving in a Labor-Surplus Economy," by Milton A. Iyoha; and others.

The article examines black employment in a firm in the aerospace industry located in a large southern metropolitan area during a period of substantial employment expansion followed by a contraction of equal dimensions. The firm's collective bargaining agreement calls for plantwide seniority, which is generally more flexible with respect to promotion and transfer than the alternative form of job seniority, which restricts employee mobility within departments, or lines of progression. The firm and the industry, however, are perhaps special cases. Because the federal government makes substantial purchases from the industry, it has direct financial leverage on firms, which do not comply with its equal employment opportunity requirements. Consequently, federal pressure to improve minority employment is an important force behind the employer's affirmative action efforts. The results demonstrate that seniority did in fact reinforce blacks' sensitivity to economic conditions. In the period of contraction during which company employment declined to a level below that at the beginning of the build-up, some blacks were able to protect themselves through the seniority system.

To make meaningful projections of the racial composition of employment in a firm or an industry, it is necessary to develop a model of the dynamics of the integration process. The major feature such a model needs to capture is that integration proceeds not by firing whites but through the filling of vacancies which occur through normal labor turnover and through growth. Thus the speed with which vacancies open, the percentage of the vacancies filled by blacks, and the black separation rate are key elements in the forecasting model. Once this model is available, it can be used to evaluate current efforts at racial integration by firms and to aid in drawing up reasonable and effective integration plans. It also can be used to evaluate industrywide progress. In this article, we develop a model of the integration process and implement it for broad occupational groups within manufacturing industries, using data from the U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) on the racial composition of employment. The computation is designed to answer two questions: (1) Will a continuation of recent hiring practices produce a reasonable degree of integration in the next ten years? (2) If the answer to the first question is no, how much do recent practices need to be modified to do so? The computation also serves as a paradigm for similar but more detailed projections which are needed to help individual firms in planning integration of their work forces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article relates racial integration history and separatist attitudes in the United States, with a focus on Negroes in American industries. Herbert R. Northrup and Richard L. Rowan of the Wharton School of Finance and Commerce published their research results, "The Racial Policies of American Industry," which analyzed the economic status of black workers. Factors contributing to cultural separatism are discussed. Black workers have been successful in finding employment in the expanding industries of banking, aerospace, and automobile manufacturing. Earlier research by E. Franklin Frazier and by Daniel Moynihan found that, although there has been socioeconomic progress for the Negro working and middle classes, there has been a decline for the more disadvantages groups.

This article deals with a study which focused on discrimination and wage differences among unskilled workers. It was said that employment discrimination against African Americans occur even in unskilled occupations. Janitorial and material handling are two occupations examined in the study. The study found that in the janitorial work, less wage and employment discrimination against African Americans can be observed. As a result of discrimination, African Americans will travel farther to work than Whites. They will accept employment far from their homes due to limitations on job opportunities. When characteristics such as age, education, seniority, and prior work experience is taken into account, regression analysis indicate that African Americans in the two unskilled occupations receive less pay than Whites.

This study examines the extent and nature of pay discrimination against women in the United States in 1949. Using 1950 Census and other data, the author adjusts for such factors as productivity differences, quit and absence differences, differences in work experience, and the like. The results of these adjustments lead the author to conclude that, whereas sex-discrimination on the part of consumers and fellow employees is compatible with his evidence, a strong degree of employer discrimination against women appears unlikely. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The evolution and current state of relations between the labor movement and the Negro community are the subject of this study. The author, after tracing early strains in these relations, examines the period of rapprochement during the era of the CIO, which, in turn, was succeeded by increasing tensions following the AFL-CIO merger. Despite these tensions, the author concludes that Negro unionists are not likely to withdraw from the labor movement, and that the latter can be expected to undertake an increasingly vigorous policy of eliminating discrimination in its ranks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article comments on an article on the New York Disability Benefits System. The principles underlying social insurance were not regarded in the framing of the New York act. Added incentive for discrimination in employment because of sex, color and age will be highlighted by the fact that the insurance rate will vary from employer to employer in accordance with the composition of his working force and the incidence of disability. Also, it would lead to a direct financial interest to resist just claims and to block improvements through liberalizing legislation.