Search

Approximately 300 books, journal articles, and papers published between 1877 and 1964 are cited in this partially annotated bibliography. The organization of the bibliography is based on the schema presented by Halsey and Floud in "The Sociology of Education." Major divisions include Sociology of Pre-literate Educational Patterns in Eskimo Society, Sociology of Educational Institutions, Social Aspects of Educability, Ecological Studies, Education and Social Structure, General Background Studies and Sources, and Education in Relation to Sociocultural Change. The document is appended with materials which were used in compiling the bibliography. (DK)

Judging from the number of papers received on the subject of computer-assisted instruction in the teaching of college economics, there is obviously great interest in this relatively new instructional technique. Unable to publish more than a fraction of the papers, but reluctant to choose only a few from among the many interesting manuscripts on hand, we decided to commission an article summarizing the work that has come to our attention. Professor Soper kindly agreed to undertake the somewhat staggering task of reading each paper and preparing a brief summary. This article should prove interesting and valuable to anyone considering the use of CAI. Those already working in the field who have information to share with others should contact Professor Soper directly at Northern Illinois University in DeKalb.

I. This paper investigates some effects on universities and university structures of two significant factors or variables: first, the degree to which "open" or "restricted" entrance requirements affect the composition of the student body; second, the degree to which a "professional" or "collegia!" self-image is prevalent among the faculty and staff. When these two variables are related to each other, it is possible to construct a four-fold typology, which, in turn, may provide strategies for goal-determination and conflict-resolution within each of four ideal university types. The typology outlined in this paper is descriptive, as are the terminologies utilized. The ideal types are presented, further, in full awareness that no real or existing institutions of higher learning will conform to any of them in all particulars.

Editor's Note. Following the preparation of his manuscript, "A Concept of Departmentalization in a Professional College," John Ramseyer worked at refining and simplifying his ideas on departmentalization. In that process, he developed a series of "Factors in the Consideration of Departments for a Professional College." Since these factors constitute a refinement of Professor Ramseyer's thinking on the topic, they are published as a sequel to the preceding paper. The editor has retained those factors that extend ideas in the previous paper and that appear to be generalizable among professional colleges and among universities. 4. Now that the need for processes for control and coordination is more apparent, tradition and specialization of field make administrators less able to comprehend the work of individual departments sufficiently to impose policies and personnel and less able to rely upon institutional unity of purpose and homogeneity.

Editor's Note. A decade ago (August 1960), John Ramseyer prepared this paper which was read at a general session of the National Conference of Professors of Educational Administration meeting in Macomb, Illinois. This paper was part of a program dealing with "Administrative Theory and Human Values." John Ramseyer was among those who saw that the science of educational administration was beset with problems which had plagued other sciences in their infancy. A major problem was the development of theoretical structures which assured an optimum measure of objectivity and that precluded personal and public dogma. Theoreticians of educational administration, constrained on the one hand by a practice-oriented profession, were attracted on the other hand to the objectivity claimed by behaviorists and logical positivists. Professor Ramseyer suggested ways of dealing with human values in administrative theory without sacrificing either the scientific or the practical aspects of administration. Although this paper was generated to include the study and practice of elementary and secondary educational administration as well as higher education, its message is particularized enough for consideration by those whose primary concern is higher education. Furthermore, the timeliness of these remarks suggests the unusual capabilities of John Ramseyer for looking ahead across the decades.

Each new academic year finds a new speckle of dots on the imaginary wall-map plotting the location of experimental colleges, cluster colleges, and other innovative collegiate programs. Articles about living-learning concepts, open colleges, coed residence halls, and other departures from the traditional collegiate programs are appearing regularly in popular magazines. We now have annual national meetings of personnel associated with these new programs. Indeed, a friend of mine noted recently that a new profession may be in the process of being born; one with its own structure, agendas, officers, convention papers, and even its own placement service. Before this encrustation process is complete it is appropriate that we begin to ask some hard questions about experimental colleges. The purpose of this paper is to pose some key evaluative questions, not the least of which is the very question of the need for and value of evaluation. It is intended that these questions will serve as an intellectual springboard for those directly involved in either the planning, implementation, or evaluation of experimental colleges. The questions examined include: Should experimental colleges be evaluated? What form should the evaluation take?

This paper offers a framework for the sociological study of formal education, with particular reference to the social history of the United States. After a brief discussion of American interpretations of the role of education in society, the paper focuses on how groups and individuals have shaped and used formal education as part of their efforts to achieve social mobility or maintain positions on the social scene. The social groups which sponsor educational programs, the professional groups which do the teaching, and the students who constitute their clienteles are explored in turn, with special attention to the educational consequences of conflicting social interests. To THE GREAT disadvantage of those working in the sociology of education, the problem of the relation of education to the society as a whole has been out of fashion for about fifty years. Since the period when many social theorists abandoned their strong and explicit interest in social reform, the social analysis of education has appeared as either a marginal topic in the work of general sociologists or a vital but narrowed problem in research (by sociologists of education and others) on public schooling, higher education, and the few other educational areas to which public concern has directed attention.' In the spirit of broadening argument and research, this paper offers a framework or series of questions for the sociological study of education-a way of analyzing how new kinds of formal education arise and how they acquire their particular characteristics. My approach is socio-historic, focusing on how long-term American social patterns have helped to shape American education. The notion of education which I employ is purposefully broad, although this particular discussion concentrates on formal education. I have not attempted a "complete" interpretation of American education. Rather, I have tried to point out crucial questions which

The title of this article is probably a misnomer; a more accurate designation would be "A Critical Review." For when I was invited to contribute this piece, I was asked to give my reactions to the eight papers which were read at the Conference. I interpreted this request to mean a critical review rather than a summary. While there will be attempt at summary, it will be incidental rather than primary. Thus, I have assumed that those who read this review will have read the papers under consideration.

Y I OUCH, perhaps altogether too much, has been spoken and written in general terms as to what higher education should accomplish for students and for the society in which they are expected to serve. But these books and articles contain deplorably little regarding the specific analyses and realistic evaluations of post-secondary education. Like the great religions, the endowed and publicly supported systems of American higher education have developed largely on faiths, which are popular and philanthropic, as well as professional. Hence, it is natural that probably nine-tenths of all published papers on "the purposes of college education" are essentially aspirational. It is the purpose of the present paper to discuss some problems involved in a realistically functional analysis of the practicable objectives of American post-secondary or, in the widest use of the word, collegiate education. Such an analysis seems especially important at this juncture because, in the estimation of the writer, attendance in the American college is destined to increase for many years, at a rate from three to four times as great as rates of population increase. Many influential educational leaders hold inadequate and faulty theories regarding the diversity of social uses to be served by multiplying varieties of higher education; and not a few of the proposals now being actively considered by educational policy-makers toward improving the procedures and the results of such education rest on untested and probably invalid assumptions. Of the million or more young men and women now attending America's post-secondary or higher institutions of learning, what proportion have come or have been sent to prepare for the higher vocations? What proportion have come with some actual love learning for its own sake? What proportion have been sent by parents who desire social prestige? And, what proportion have come to have a good time? How far does the confusion of purposes in educational

The supersonic transport (SST) programme provides an excellent object for an examination of the role of experts in the making of governmental decisions. Controversy over the programme continued for a decade and attracted much public attention in its later years. Many scientific experts were placed in the limelight, and they produced a large body of testimony at congressional hearings. These scientists, who included physicists, engineers and economists, are widely believed to have had an important effect on the congressional decision to cancel the programme in the spring of 1971. Two divergent views have emerged regarding the accomplishment of the experts in the controversy about the SST. One view, exemplified by F. von Hippel and J. Primack,1 is that the scientists behaved in an exemplary manner in the controversy, and that their role in reversing the decision about the SST should open a new age in which scientists act in accordance with the criterion of " relevance ". The opposite view is that many scientists conducted themselves badly and that their politically motivated advice proved that laymen could not trust scientists to be objective outside their laboratories. In this paper I do not judge the conduct of the scientific experts. I seek to describe some of the advice they gave in order to elucidate the inherent complexities of the relationships between scientific advisors and those they advise, and to promulgate several propositions about the positions of advisors and the advice they give in political situations. One of my conclusions is the familiar one that, in the milieu of government the most objective scientific advice can appear to have been politically motivated when it is carefully exploited, and the most well-intentioned expert can be exploited to support political positions. The Debate about the SST Before examining the advice given by scientific experts, it will be useful to review the general parameters of the controversy. It began in the early 1960s when the United States government was faced with the decision whether to subsidise the development of commercial supersonic aviation. The main arguments given for the development of the SST emphasised its contributions to national defence, national prestige, rapid transportation

This paper discusses the system of higher education in China today. Eight years after the beginning of the upheaval known as the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, educational principles and practice are still considered experimental. New types of schools have been established, and old ones have been reoriented to conform to recent ideological imperatives. The administrative system has gone through a number of changes and is not yet standardized; innovative enrollment procedures, strongly influenced by social class considerations, are changing the complexion of the student body; teaching methods and curriculum combine teaching, productive labor and scientific research in an effort to relate higher education more closely to the economic and social needs envisioned by the Maoist leadership.

The problem of student work loads has been the concern of staff and students in tertiary institutions for some time. Studies of success, failure and wastage in higher education have indicated a number of factors which may be relevant to the problem of student work loads, but until recently no comprehensive study of the problem has been attempted. A detailed plan for the investigation of student work loads has been prepared by the Higher Education Research Unit at Monash University. Two studies, of quite different type, based on this overall plan, were conducted in 1972 and further studies are proceeding in 1973. This paper includes a general description of the plan for investigating student work loads and gives details of the two studies conducted at Monash University in 1972.

This paper investigates the relationship between institutional affiliation and scholarly activities and outlooks for a sample of Indian engineering faculty. The research is based on a survey of Indian academics conducted in 1971–72.

To those who for many years have been active in the promotion of nuclear energy, the opposition of the public to the large-scale application of peaceful nuclear energy has come as a surprise. The experience of public hearings and face-to-face discussions with the opponents of nuclear energy has made them aware of modes of thought and criteria of judgement which they had not encountered previously. It is now necessary to reflect on these alternative modes of thought and judgement in order to arrive at new ones, and, by so doing, to improve the basis for rational action. Further, it appears that these alternative modes of thought and judgement and the responses which should be called forth by them do not arise on the occasion of large-scale uses of peaceful applications of nuclear energy alone. The new modes of thought which are being generated in consequence of the opposition are only adumbrations of a broader and more general development in thinking about science and technology. In this paper, I attempt to exemplify this development. I will begin with a brief account of the development of nuclear energy.

Governance proposals for higher education in the United States are often promulgated on the basis of some utopian goal or on the assumption that a given proposal is the panacea for multifaceted problems or that it is equally applicable to diverse institutional settings. This paper, rather than promulgating a single proposal, takes a more analytic approach and develops a contingency model for identifying appropriate decision-making structures. First, emergent conditions in American higher education's external environment, in the internal social environment of its colleges and universities, and in the development of higher education management systems are analyzed to establish some long-range criteria for evaluating decision-making effectiveness. Second, a typology of institutional decisions categorized as policy, managerial, and operating decisions is presented. An analysis of the nature and content of each major type of decision suggests divergent patterns of formal and informal decision-making structures and patterns, and differing content and functions for the supporting management information technology which might be appropriate to each of the decision types or categories. Finally, the analysis relates the contingency notions of decision structure and type to the criteria for evaluating the decision-making process and suggests how they are compatible or might be modified to be more compatible. The model is a general conceptual one which the author suggests can be used on either an institution-wide basis or with particular subunits of a college or university.

This paper reports on the labour market results of a cohort of graduates from five Singapore schools representing most areas where important changes in the educational system are taking place. The graduates left school in 1966–67 and were interviewed in 1970. Many of the graduates in the cohort found jobs almost immediately upon leaving school, but some did experience a substantial period of unemployment and even more reported difficulty in finding their first job. Eventually all became employed and at the time of interview unemployment was negligible. The initial unemployment and the difficulty in finding work were not related as to whether the education was technical or academic in nature. Income/cost ratios were calculated and used to rank the schools to see how they compared as social investments. Post-secondary, non-university education ranked highest, followed by secondary education with the university in third place. Within post-secondary, pre-university was a slightly better investment than the polytechnic largely because of a difference in costs. Within secondary schools there was virtually no difference between the technical secondary school, the academic secondary school and the vocational institute.

As of 2012, an estimated 2.2 million people were incarcerated in jails and prisons in the United States. Prisoners are disproportionately likely to come from economically disadvantaged backgrounds, to be members of racial/ethnic minority groups, to have held a low-skill, low-paying job (if any at all) at the time of arrest, and to be less educated than their counterparts in the general population. Data suggest that better educated prisoners are less likely to relapse into criminal behavior after release from prison. Education leads to jobs and trades which help people step away from crime. This paper reflects on life and prison experiences for some prisoners that led to shifts in perceptions of the role of higher education in prison. This article draws on the importance of higher education in prisons, but also adds a new dimension by drawing on the benefits of inside-out college courses in prison that include university students, requires the same course work, and provides college credit for both sets of students. This article seeks to demonstrate that experience and education are the most effective tools for change. If penal policy is left as it stands, there will be no change for the overwhelming majority of men and women who are eventually returning to prison communities. In this article [the authors] address how their experiences shaped their understanding of the 'fast life', their prison and educational experiences, as well as those of former and current prisoners, the glaring connections between education and recidivism, and possible solutions for penal education policies.

This is the concluding part of a three-part series on “Planning, Program, Budgeting Systems” (PPBS) in higher education planning and management. After the experiences of the University of California with PPBS, which we reviewed in Part II, and the subsequent lack of success of PPBS in non-defense applications, we believe a more carefully focused policy analysis approach to be more fruitful. In this paper we describe the nature, foci, and analytical base for policy analysis and present a case study of policy analysis applied to the decision of year-round operations for the University of California. Finally, we give some concluding comments and observations.

By Oath and Association: The California Folly Author(s): David P. Gardner Source: The Journal of Higher Education, Vol. 40, No. 2 (Feb., 1969), pp. 122-134 Published by: Ohio State University Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1979546 . Accessed: 13/05/2014 17:50 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. Ohio State University Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Journal of Higher Education. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 128.32.152.137 on Tue, 13 May 2014 17:50:25 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

The number and scope of faculty and institutions involved in academic entrepreneurship continues to expand, and this has signifi cant implications for universities, involving potentially wonderful opportunities but also dire risks. This paper looks beyond academic capitalism, a theory that currently dominates the study of higher education, by introducing several other theoretical frameworks for interpretation of academic entrepreneurship: resource dependence theory, the Triple Helix model, and Mode 2 knowledge production. Acknowledging the fact that academic capitalism signifi cantly furthers our understanding of academic entrepreneurship, I argue that these other conceptual propositions are constructive in enlightening perspectives on the various aspects of academic entrepreneurship, although as of yet no single work completely explains all facets of this complicated issue. Le nombre et la portee de professeurs et d’institutions impliques dans l’entrepreneuriat universitaire continuent a augmenter, ce qui a des consequences importantes pour les universites en impliquant des opportunites potentiellement fantastiques, mais aussi de serieux risques. Ce document va au-dela du capitalisme academique, une theorie dominant presentement l’etude de l’enseignement superieur, en introduisant plusieurs autres cadres theoriques pour l’interpretation de l’entrepreneuriat academique: theorie de la dependance des ressources, le modele Triple Helix et le mode 2 de production de connaissances. Tout en reconnaissant le fait que le capitalisme academique eclaircit de facon signifi cative notre comprehension de l’entrepreneuriat universitaire, je soutiens que ces autres propositions conceptuelles revelent de facon constructive les perspectives sur les differents aspects de l’entrepreneuriat academique, meme si, pour l’instant, aucun travail a lui seul n’explique completement toutes les facettes de cette question complexe.

In an era when student unrest has moved from the cloistered halls of higher academia to the secondary schools, increasing numbers of educators are beginning to examine this circumstance from the perspective of the social scientist. This perspective has led to an awareness that solutions to the dilemmas confronting secondary education do not reside solely in improving instructional techniques, exploiting teaching technology, or introducing increased relevance to educational content. Rather it recognizes the fact that there are structural properties and environmental characteristics of secondary school which influence both student and teacher behavior. The purpose of this paper is to examine selected concepts from the social sciences through which the environmental properties of secondary schools can be viewed.

∗ This lecture was originally given as a paper at a Symposium on Curriculum planning and development for upper secondary education, held at Karlskrona, Sweden, in May 1972, and organised by the Council of Europe.

In this paper we shall discuss one of the frontiers of higher education-the college library in its relation to college education. We can call it one of the frontiers of higher education because the college library is definitely in transition. It is moving from the position of an adjunct to a central position as a great, vital and positive instrument for learning, but we are so much victims of traditions and of environmental forces that the task of re-defining the position of the college library and of attaining a new alignment for it in the college program is a difficult one.

This paper is based on the results of a study of university costs being undertaken in the Higher Education Research Unit, London School of Economics, directed by Dr. Bleddyn Davies. The study is based on cross-section data supplied by the University Grants Committee and the Committee of Vice-Chancellors and Principals on current costs, inputs and outputs in all UK universities, except Oxford and Cambridge and certain institutes attached to the University of London, in the academic year 1968-69.

If American elementary schools are to move toward an open education model (1), the great task of teacher education must be at the in-service level. Thousands of elementary-school teachers who are predisposed to create a more humane and open environment in their classrooms will need help in recapturing their own humaneness. The purpose of this paper is to describe an intensive workshop in open education and to identify the basic dimensions of a humanizing in-service model of open education (2).

Educational planning can be understood as a political process of coalition formation operating under constraints imposed by the rational content of the plan and time and budget limitations. Planners tend to organize coalitions among the potential implementers of the plan. They downgrade the role of beneficiaries, namely, the students. But the student revolt which can be partially interpreted as anti-bureaucratic is also anti-planning. The paper briefly explores the problems of student participation in educational planning and the implications of educational planning for the decentralization of educational structures.

AS INCREASING social tension has stimulated interest in the problem of what teachers of social science should do in dealing with controversial issues in their field, numerous conflicting answers have been put forward by consequential people. In this paper I shall discuss some of these answers and then formulate my own view of the best manner in which to handle the problem as it presents itself in the field of higher education. By higher education I mean that range of education which, although not very clearly delimited by age, institutional pattern, or previous condition of servitude, has to do primarily with the development of intellectual capacity rather than the inculcation of social habits and manners designed to render the young at least a mildly tolerable bloc in the body politic. In addressing myself to the ticklish question of what teachers of social science should do with controversial issues I do not seek the comfort which might be found by presupposing paradise as a basis of discussion. On the contrary, I am dealing with the problem as .it arises in a dissident democracy where a central if not the central problem of formal education is the preparation of young men and women to make the enlightened choices in the field of the social sciences which effective performance by a democratic system demands. At one extreme it has been proposed that not merely teachers of social science but all teachers should accept a general formula for solving the social, political, and economic problems which harass us, and then handle the issues involved in the solution of these problems accord

In this paper we shall examine certain recent developments in two interrelated aspects of comparative education: methodology and intellectual perspectives.' Specifically we shall argue: that some well-publicized recent efforts to make comparative education "scientific" are limited in scope and are often based on questionable views and assumptions about "science" and the "scientific method"; and that partly because of the influence of other social studies, notably economics, sociology and political science, education has been largely treated "instrumentally," namely, as a means to analyze other spheres of social activity, and thus it has subserved the concerns and interests of economists, sociologists, and political scientists. As such, the educational phenomena examined of necessity have been restricted to those bearing upon the economy, the polity, and the social system.

R ECENTLY students and faculty members representing six liberal-arts colleges in the East met at Drew University to confer on local investigations and changes that had been made in the interests of a more effective process of education. The conference was definitely committed to the conviction that higher education, as it is generally conceived and administered, is not preparing young people to understand and cope with the perplexing problems of civilization, that students are not taking enough initiative in ordering their own educational experiences, and that the campus community itself is being neglected as a laboratory for learning and performing the duties of citizenship. Because of the fact that Bucknell University had been experimenting longest with a modernized program, this statement is limited to a report of recent changes there. Two professors, Leo L. Rockwell and Charles M. Bond, and Dean Miller presented papers dealing with three major issues on that campus. Changes during the past two years at Bucknell have been based mainly upon the results of a vigorous and comprehensive survey of the entire life of the University. Mr. Rockwell, chairman of the Survey Committee on the Curriculum, gave a brief account of the survey, and then enlarged upon the outcome for the curriculum. The survey was instituted in I93I, when President Rainey took office. It went thoroughly into such matters as the aims of education; the nature and effectiveness of the curriculum; students' organizations and activities; the backgrounds, interests, and personal problems of students; students' attitudes toward faculty members; and the adequacy of the religious program. Numerous recommendations grew out of the findings. Among them are the following

This paper is based on the belief that the academic department, as it has developed in American higher education, is neither functionally nor philosophically appropriate for a professional college, whether it be of law, medicine, engineering, or education. Academic departments have grown up around traditional disciplines or compartments of knowledge. Their objectives were to add to and dispense existing knowledge in their fields. The ends to be achieved by the student (except for becoming an educated man) were of relatively little consequence. While some writers have referred to subject matter departments as being in the liberal arts tradition, the concept could be questioned. It seems clear that these departments

This paper analyzes the levels of education of the members of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, and compares them with the educational levels of the Soviet population as a whole, the white collar labor force, and the Communist Party membership. The Central Committee proves to be the most highly educated group; 79 per cent have some form of higher education, largely technical and professional in nature. At least half the membership was educated during Stalin's initial drive for planned industrial development and agricultural collectivization. This education was initially relevant for entrance to the political power elite, but its relevance for subsequent promotion is questionable. Less than 10 per cent of the Soviet population has an education comparable to that of the Central Committee, but white collar professionals and the technocratic elite have a higher level of education than that of the elite Party membership.

T HE purpose of this paper is to describe the effort of the American Association of Dental Schools to devise a new curriculum for the education of dentists. In order that the problem of the Survey may be clearly stated, a few salient facts from the history of dental education will be presented. The first attempt in North America to give formal instruction in dentistry occurred at the University of Maryland in 1837-38. It consisted of a course of lectures for medical students and was conducted by one of the foremost dentists of the day. After one year this instruction was discontinued. Following other unsuccessful endeavors to include dental education in medical schools a group of four doctors of medicine, two of whom were also dentists, opened the first school of dentistry in America, the Baltimore College of Dental Surgery, in I840. A few other schools of dentistry were organized later, and by i867 nine, all of which were independent of other institutions of higher education, had been established. In I867 the Dental Department of Harvard University was organized in close association with the Medical Department. It was the first time in this country for dentistry to be given an important place in a university and brought into formal relation with medicine. The number of dental schools in the United States increased slowly until about i88o, after which for a period of about twenty years the number was multiplied beyond the actual need. The financial rewards to be had from a privately owned dental school account in large measure for this unnecessary development. Some of the schools were mere diploma mills, and others gave a low grade of training. Beginning about i 900, when there were 57 dental schools in the United States, the situation changed. Slowly the number has decreased until at present only 38 remain. The first dental school in Canada, which has continued to the present, was founded at Toronto in i875 under the auspices of the Royal College of Dental Surgeons of Ontario. It became an organic part of the University of Toronto in I925. Four other dental schools, all of which are integral parts of universities, have been established at Dalhousie, Montreal, McGill, and Alberta. During the past fifty years several associations were formed for the purpose of advancing dental education.

The theme of the paper is that curricula and teaching methods will have to be modified to meet the challenge of mass higher education, and that, if they are to be modified, then the constraints operating on them will need to be known. Among those constraints may prove to be the ideas and attitudes of faculty the aims and objectives of teaching staff in higher education. Researchers at the University of Lancaster, sponsored by the Joseph Rowntree Memorial Trust, have been enquiring through depth interviews into the objectives of teaching staff in English universities and colleges. 1 The research attempts to thread a middle way between a level of discussion which is concerned with such objectives as "the pursuit of truth" and the "advancement of knowledge" and the "real world" level of informal, transitory and unofficial goals of individuals. In brief, lecturers were found to be very willing to discuss their teaching objectives, but ev.en a superficial analysis showed a circularity and lack of content and substance in the reasons advanced by many of them for the curricula and teaching methods adopted. Indeed, operational decisions about courses were taken for largely pragmatic and occasional reasons. The self-concept of lecturers, whether in polytechnic or university, relied heavily on the subject or professional specialism: there was thus a certain specialist identity among teaching staff which cut across the binary divisions of higher education. If the substance of the interviews with British lecturers is reduced to its bare essentials then it is true that all the lecturers acknowledged a common objective. A successful student, they asserted, is one who showed a "critical intelligence" a student who could handle theory, manipulate concepts, and draw up a convincing argument according to the rules of the specialism. There were no "right" conclusions for a student to reach, rather conclusions that were reasoned and well presented. Teaching staff were convinced that it was only a minority of students in higher education who could be expected to display successfully this "critical intelligence"

One is usually optimistic at beginnings. Before the new spring semester was under way, I was especially hopeful of rectifying some of my past teaching failures. This time, I thought, my philosophy class would be more vital and stimulating because I would begin by examining and taking up the students' real concerns. It had been a mistake to draw up a syllabus for a semester's work without even meeting with my students first to discuss whether they really wanted to explore the issues I had chosen. This time I would reflect upon and discuss whatever philosophical problems they found important, for as long as they wished. I indicated to the class, as uncomplicatedly as I could, what I thought was the essence of philosophizing and I tried to show the great range of topics that could be treated philosophically e.g., Is God Dead?, The Nature of the Black Man's Problem, Who is Woman?, Of What Value is Contemporary Art?, etc. I also said that we would not have to use books, that our source material could be novels, newpapers, comics, films, museums, or personal recollections. I told the class that I would not lecture but moderate their discussions, intervening only when I thought the discussion had become hopelessly confused, repetitious, or way off a philosophical course. And I assured the students that they need not fret about grades. Everyone would pass even if he did no work at all. Papers would be assigned periodically, but no one would have to write a word if he did not think it was of importance for him to do so. My reason for modifying traditional ways of teaching was fairly straight

This paper considers the effects of the present redirection of public support of higher education from institutional to student support categories. Utilizing a conceptual framework taken from econo...

Because the academic profession (as it is called) holds such a central position in higher education, and because higher education in America today influences behavior and ideas throughout the entire structure of the technocratic culture (Habermas, 1970; Jencks & Riesman, 1968:15-25), the academic profession is an important subject for sociological analysis. This special issue was organized to present new research and to assess the maturity of the field. In order to properly introduce this interesting set of articles they should be set in the larger context of the field as a whole. But this cannot be done; for the sociology of academicians suffers from disorganization. We need to develop a framework which will clarify the nature of these new papers and previous research as well.' Two attributes characterize the disorganization found among the numerous studies of faculty. First, the research is uncoordinated. The absence of references to the work of others, not to mention a scientific spirit of directing one's work towards the cumulation of tested knowledge, bespeaks of egocentrism which has hurt this field as it has others. This fragmented quality forces one to read a number of studies asking different questions in order to gain an overview of even one area.2 The second weakness which keeps the sociology of the academic profession from maturing as a science is the lack of good

N THIS paper I am concerned with only one kind of teaching, the kind of teaching with which apparently too few administrators in higher education are concerned. I mean the ancient, crucial, high art of teaching, the kind of teaching which alone can claim to be called educational, an essential element in all noble human culture, and hence a task of infinitely more importance than research scholarship. With the teacher as transmitter or conductor of knowledge, as servant or partner of research, I have no concern. He is useful and necessary and, because he does the bulk of university teaching, it is important that his job be effectively performed and intelligently evaluated. But so long as the teacher is viewed as merely a diffuser of knowledge or a higher popularizer, his position will necessarily be a modest and even menial one. And precisely this, I think, is the prevalent view of the teacher's function, the view overwhelmingly assumed even among those who want to redress the balance in favor of the teacher. Is it any wonder then that the teacher enjoys no honor? For if the teacher stands to the scholar as the pianist to the composer, there can be no question of parity; teaching of this kind is necessary but secondary. So too is the comparatively subtler and more difficult kind of teaching that is concerned with scholarly methodology and the crucial "skeletal" skills of creative research. Only when large demands are made on the teacher, when we ask him to assume a primary role as educator in his own right, will it be possible to restore dignity to teaching. Teaching, I repeat, is not honored among us either because its function is grossly misconceived or its cultural value not understood. The reason for this is the overwhelming positivism of our technocratic society and the arrogance of scholarship. Behind the disregard for the teacher lies the transparent sickness of the humanities in the university and in American life generally. Indeed, nothing more vividly illustrates the myopia of academic humanism than its failure to realize that the fate of any true culture is revealed in the value it sets

Conditions throughout the country and within the Negro colleges are changing so rapidly that at first thought it might appear that an educational survey completed before "Pearl Harbor" would be meaningless in a post-war world. In reality, the National Survey of Higher Education of Negroes may well serve as the basis for a new approach to the problems of the colleges for Negroes. The Survey is unique in that the entire first volume is given to a socio-economic analysis of the 17 States and the District of Columbia in which separate schools for Negroes are legally mandatory. The other two volumes constitute the most comprehensive study yet made of the Negro colleges in America. This body of material gives the descriptive and factual data necessary to a reconsideration of the function of the colleges for Negroes. This paper is concerned primarily with those findings of the Survey which relate to the place of the college in the total life of Negroes in America.

It appears that the first Negro woman to complete a college course in America was Mary Jane Patterson, who was graduated in 1862 from Oberlin College with the degree of Bachelor of Arts. This event, happening before the issuing of the Emancipation Proclamation, marks the beginning of higher education for Negro women in the United States. It is significant, in the light of the subsequent history of college education for Negro women, that the first woman graduate received her training in a co-educational school, and that a vast majority of these women, since this event, have been graduated from the same type of college. There are in the United States today only three colleges maintained exclusively for the education of Negro women-Bennett, Spelman, and Tillotson; consequently the problem of their higher education is essentially the problem of educating "the weaker sex" in colleges with "the stronger sex." The history of the education of Negro women, therefore, does not parallel exactly the history of education of white women. While Oberlin College opened in 1833 for the admission of all races and both sexes, there was a long period of struggle for the admission of women to college, but, by the time of the founding of Vassar College in 1865, at least three Negro women had been awarded the degree of Bachelor of Arts. By the time any considerable number of Negro women were ready for college, the question of the right of women to a college education had been, to all intents and purposes, settled. After the close of the Civil War, co-educational colleges for Negroes sprang up in various places in the South and the real education of Negro women began. Howard University, founded in 1867; Fisk University, founded in 1865; Atlanta University, 1867; Shaw University, 1865; Straight College, 1869; Tougaloo, 1869, are among the important institutions which admitted women and men on the same basis. It is a fact that the segregated college has never played a very important part in the training of Negro college women, hence, even if it were the purpose of this paper to compare the advantages of the co-educational college with those of the segregated college, there would be scarcely enough data to make the comparison worthwhile. There is no counterpart of Vassar, Smith, Wellesley, Mount Holyoke, Wells, Radcliffe, Bryn Mawr, Mills, Barnard, among the Negro institutions. The problem of the higher education of the Negro woman is therefore found in the co-educational institutions. The assumption that women were not endowed with the capacity to pursue standard college courses had been disproved before the influx of Negro women to college, for

WHEN THIS MEETING was announced,1 and the call for papers sent out, I proposed my topic "Social Dialects and Professional Responsibility" for three compelling reasons. First, it reflects my own professional interests as a Professor of English; the study of social dialects has been my chief concern for the last two decades. Second, the study of social dialects is the field in which the graduate student of English has the greatest opportunity to do pioneering research, to make the "original contribution to knowledge" that is traditionally expected of him; moreover, in no other field of English can he make as effective a contribution toward relating our profession

This paper represents an overview of the recent movement toward career education within continuing education at the higher education level. It will not present statistical data that supplies the rationale for the existence and escalation of career or para-professional thrust at the higher level. There is in existence the presence of the "new" breed of students-minorities, older students and veterans in colleges, the Federal emphasis on "career education" from elementary school through college, and the spate of ever-expanding reading material that deals with continuing education in all of its aspects. This is proof enough, if proof is wanted, that a researched need for revitalized continuation of education programs of many kinds has been ascertained and that a response to it is being sought and in some cases implemented.