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The article focuses on an aspect of confederate finance during the American Civil War. The attitudes of France and Great Britain toward the American Civil War were important to both the South and the North; and these attitudes also had a bearing on any European financial operations involving the disunited states. At the beginning of the war, the ruling classes of both France and Great Britain were in sympathy with the Confederacy. Because of his colonial plans in the western hemisphere, French President Louis Napoleon was in favour of intervening on the side of the South, but he could not do so without the concurrence of Great Britain with whom France was joined in an entente. Great Britain was unwilling to undertake such an overt action, partly because a large segment of English liberals and English working men saw the Civil War as a struggle of free versus slave labour and hence supported the North even though southern cotton was wanted for English mills. Although France and Great Britain both issued proclamations of neutrality, thus according to the South, the status of a belligerent nation rather than an internal territory in rebellion, neither they nor any European nation ultimately took the further step of granting diplomatic recognition to the Confederacy.

It is the purpose of this paper to inform the debate on sexual equality by reference to the economic analysis of discrimination, which has by no means figured prominently in the public discussion of the issue. This to some extent may be explained by the fact that no detailed British analysis of the economics of discrimination exists, despite a mushrooming of the American literature on the subject (which is mainly but not exclusively devoted to racial discrimination).[1] The first part of the paper attempts to analyze differences in employment activity in the labour force between the sexes and to examine how far these may explain sex wage differentials. This enables us to define more precisely what constitutes (pure) discrimination in the second section which surveys various economic models of discrimination, analyses them in terms of their applicability to sexual discrimination, and derives various propositions. In the third section statistical evidence is examined in relation to these propositions in so far as this is possible given the availability of data.[2] Finally, certain implications are drawn from the analysis in comparing the likely effects of equal pay and anti-discrimination legislation on the operation of the labour market. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a previous paper [12], an attempt was made to show how spectral techniques could be used to compare the effects of two seasonal adjustment procedures on the series to which they were applied. The two procedures compared were: (a) the technique currently used by the Bureau of Labor Statistics for seasonally adjusting employment, unemployment, and labor force monthly statistics, and (b) the so-called "residual" method, proposed by Brittain [2], Samuelson [16], and others. Spectra of the original and the seasonally adjusted series and the cross spectrum of the two were used to aid in the assessment of whether either procedure removed more than could be considered seasonal, introduced spurious regularities, and/or distorted temporal relationships. It was concluded that both techniques removed more than seasonal effects from, and produced some temporal distortion in, the series to which they were applied. Neither method appeared to be superior to the other. It is the purpose of this paper to carry the previous analysis one step further and to compare the BLS procedure with a modified version of the regression method of seasonal adjustment suggested by Cowden [3] and Mendershausen [11], and recently revived by Harman [9, 10] in an exceptionally sophisticated form. In addition to Hannan's work along the lines suggested, Nettheim [13] and Rosenblatt [15] have made studies. Rosenblatt [15] has carried out analyses similar to those reported here. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There has been much speculation about the meaning of the residual factor in economic growth. Few economists would defend it as a perfect measure of technical change, preferring to hedge their bets by describing it as part of the growth of output not explained by the growth in the labour force and capital accumulation. Others have been more forceful in their opposition claiming that the residual merely shows the degree of our inability to measure accurately, and the omission of relevant variables, and have demonstrated their views. The view of the present author is that, while the residual when properly measured must theoretically be zero, a detailed examination of the residual as normally measured is useful in providing information on the causes of economic growth and possibly thereby producing policy implications for raising the growth rate. Therefore, this paper seeks to establish how much of the residual can be explained by incorrect measurement and specification, and to see what implications for policy, if any, can be drawn. The analysis is carried out for Great Britain. Manufacturing over the period 1956-65 and provides estimates of the residual at successive stages of purity.

This paper challenges the type of interpretation of the successful political incorporation of the British working class in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries which stresses normative factors-'deference', craving for respectability, bourgeoisification, religious feelings etc. It corrects misleading statements in some of these accounts and uses historical evidence to stress the importance of objective, structural constraints on working class ability to mobilize on a class basis in the political system prior to 1918. Following this interpretation some points are made about the British political culture on theoretical grounds stemming from Durkheim. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

THIS paper is concerned with the problem of locating the main groups of low paid male workers whose pay may be too low to maintain an adequate standard of living, not because they have large families to support, but simply because their pay is very low indeed. An attempt is made to analyse some of the main economic characteristics of such groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the efforts of the British government to implement the incomes policy in the bus industry from 1967-1968 and the administrative difficulties of implementing this policy. The incomes policy was intended to increase productivity. In 1965, the National Board for Prices and Incomes (NBPI) was established to investigate problem areas in the British economy, particularly unjustified wage or price increases. The government, with the help of the NBPI, decided to implement the incomes policy in the bus industry to improve its efficiency. The bus industry was facing economic and labor problems in 1967.

Major technological changes are currently planned in an investment programme for the British steel industry. The relatively inefficient open-hearth technology is to be made redundant and production concentrated in large-scale plants employing the basic oxygen process. Further, rich foreign ores are more cheaply transported in large bulk carriers and therefore, production costs will be lowest at integrated plants with ready access to deep water ports. The impact of innovation must have consequences for the geographical distribution of the steel industry's workforce, irrespective of whether it foreshadows a change in the capital-labour ratio and/or in the total labour requirements. The British Steel Corp. and the government recognize that, the concentration of modern steelmaking at a few large works mean that older and smaller units at less suitable sites must be phased out, with the loss of the jobs in them. However, the proposed development strategy is, in the government's judgement, the course best calculated to assure for Great Britain an efficient, profitable, modern industry able to compete with the rest of the world and to assure future employment. In fact, given that the technological development of the British steel industry lags behind many of its competitors, it is perhaps surprising that innovation was not introduced earlier.

The article presents information about a research study conducted by researcher William J. Newman which focuses on the forty five years of the British Labour Party. Conclusions of this study are meant to be suggestive and not definitive. The British Labour Party is, a Socialist party dedicated to the cause of the "worker," though the Labour Party has plainly drawn most of its vote from the manufacturing cities and the manufacturing-mining areas of the Midlands and South Wales. The origin of the British Labour Party is found in the Labour Representation Committee of the Trade Union Congress, which secured two seats in the 1900 elections. The election of I945, brought the Labour party to power for the first time with a clear majority of 153 seats over all other parties in the House of Commons. In this election, Labour Party won seats in many county constituencies where it had not previously been successful. These constituencies, however, are not necessarily country or agricultural areas, on the contrary, many are built up manufacturing sections which are clustered about a manufacturing town.

The article focuses on the analytical division of social class. The subtleties of class systems have always presented a challenge to social investigators. New categories have been offered for measuring the stratification of British society. In the U.S., although class is a less obtrusive phenomenon, the variety of empirical approaches has been if anything even greater. The current study of British political attitudes have led to examine the accepted measures of class and in particular the point at which the line is usually drawn between the middle and working classes. Research into the political effects of class is peculiarly dependent on the way in which classes are defined empirically; answers to the simplest questions about, for instance, the relative party solidarity of classes must depend on the operations by which the classes are separated. The publics perceptions of class can also help in selecting the boundary between the classes in analyses based on occupational or other objective measures-and indeed in choosing the best types of measure.

The article informs that when the first World War came to a close, the victorious Allies soon discovered that they were in no way prepared for the peace. In both Great Britain and the United States, to look no farther a field, there appeared grave problems that have not yet been resolved in either country. These affected the condition of labor everywhere. The internal trade, the foreign commerce, and the finance have not yet recovered from the impact of converting peacetime industrial functions to those of warlike preparations and the production of munitions. In this process the dislocation of labor was to be reckoned as an imponderable which would sorely trouble the minds of legislators and labor leaders. One remarkable feature most noticeable to the keen investigator after the last war was a disinclination on the part of great sections of labor which had been drafted into the munitions factories to return to work of any kind. The complicated the matter of reconversion and the starting of new industries. In this country war-weariness was most noticeable in many branches of industry long before the war came to an end. The government had to threaten and, in some cases, take over plants where strikes were imminent and the output of necessary munitions might be gravely affected. People had been working at the top of their bent and, when the strain began to tell upon them, they naturally desired a rest.