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Between the end of the Canton Crisis of 181-15, and the Bank of England Crisis of 1825, the financial usages of European houses in China had become better defined. Increased reliance and valuations upon negotiable paper instruments of finance were apparent. Quite apart from the extensive use of the East India Co.'s remittance paper as negotiable in India and China, the provision of private credit facilities for private trade in India and China were now explicit. Records of short-term lending on the spot and deposit accounts were now in evidence. The individual consigner of Indian cottons and opium who surveyed on a large scale for the China market could now also obtain direct credit backing from China agencies, albeit at the exorbitant rate of ten to 12 per cent. Indian agents of the China houses were also encouraging and financing groups of small investors under joint consignment accounts. In turn, the China houses now had sizeable credit accounts with their London, England, agents, which they covered by the periodic hypothecation of China goods to the United States. For a good many years the London money crisis of 1825-6 was slowly but clearly building up. In the build-up of the crisis conditions, the Bank of England was not above blame. Some China houses had not yet reached this level of rationale in their financial affairs, but the new mood of independence was symptomatic of the important changes through which the system was undergoing.

The present paper summarizes papers given at the 8th International Family Research Seminar in Oslo, Norway, 1963, which describe and explain differential frequencies of those decisions to marry which result in teenage marriage. Sociological analysis of marriage usually points out that age at marriage varies with the type of society and, therefore, reflects the stage of industrialization and urbanization. The lowest ages at marriage are generally found in peasant agricultural countries, such as India and China. During the rapid growth phase of urban industrial nations, age at marriage apparently rises, but later the age at marriage once again turns downward, though not rapidly. One way of viewing trends of teenage marriage is in terms of the percentage of males and females under 20 years of age involved in marriages contracted. During 1961, in 6% of all marriages contracted in Yugoslavia one or both spouses were under the age of 18. However, in such marriages the wife was under 18 years of age in 91 % of the cases, the husband in only 9 %. From 1953-1961 there was a gradual decrease in the percentage married under 18 years from 6.6 % to 6.0 %.

For the past fifteen years, comparisons of the economic organization and development of India and Communist China have had a strong fascination for analysts in many parts of the world. The similarities of the economic structures of and problems faced by the two most populous nations on earth and the sharp contrast offered by their economic doctrines have been grist for numerous articles in many languages. The functions of this paper are to: briefly review the years 1950-57 so as to take into account recent scholarship by others; evaluate selected major developments since 1957; and offer some conclusions on the subject of Indian vis-a-vis Mainland Chinese economic progress since 1950. The performance of China's economy and particularly her industrial growth rate vis-a-vis that of India since 1950 has been grossly exaggerated. This is as true of 1957 and earlier years as it is of "The Great Leap Forward" and the subsequent period of distress. The extent of the exaggeration over the last fourteen years and the extent of whatever differences in performance may actually exist are impossible to determine, at present, given the statistical impasse which prevails. In both cases, the statistical association between the amount and kind of foreign aid received on one hand and the industrial progress registered on the other was self-evidently very high.

The article discusses problems of economic growth in the poorer nations that became a major foreign policy concern of the wealthy and powerful nations of the world. The relative progress in the development of the two countries, India and China, is of great significance. There were strong parallels in their preplan structure and strong contrasts between China's totalitarian and India's democratic programs. Their performance relative to one another may influence the programs adopted by other, now less advanced, countries. It will certainly bear upon the United States and Soviet foreign policies. Furthermore, the record of the course of development in these two lands provides a unique opportunity for examining the process of development as such. Structural unemployment, underutilized resources, overurbanization, nonmonetized savings and investment flows-these are illustrative of the types of problems that must be understood and treated if there are to be steady output gains in most of today's underdeveloped areas.

The article discusses economic aspects relating to China and India from 1952-1970, as well as the stability of their newly industrialized governments. The article focuses on the two countries' growth in terms of their foodgrains output, industrial production, and national income. Also included is an appendix on the comparison of the estimated growth rate with alternative estimates, as well as a summary of the findings. The article lists the tables, charts, and indexes that are included for easy reference.