Search

This article reviews recent trends in the theory and practice of federalism as well as in the closely related field of regionalism. The second part of the article is devoted to a discussion of the novel concept of associated membership in federations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on views of author on foreign policy output. In evaluating the actions of a decision-maker and his observance of international law, the author utilizes two assumptions that should be stated. First, he believes that a decision-maker extends the highest priority to the maintenance of national security and the promotion of the national interest, however he may define it. Second the author assumes that in any course of action, a decision-maker wishes to remain within the boundaries of the international legal order. To put the assumption differently, the author assumes that no decision-maker wishes to reject openly and publicly the international legal order and adopt a course of action that is clearly prohibited by the legal order.

The article presents a report of a seminar on "Social Science as a Transnational System," which was held at the Bellagio, Italy, Study and Conference Center of the Rockefeller Foundation from July 16 to 21, 1973. While initiative for holding the seminar was taken by Chadwick Alger of Ohio State University and Gene Lyons of Dartmouth College, participants were selected and the agenda was developed with the collaboration of scholars from many countries, including a number who were not able to be present at the seminar. In a similar spirit, the seminar had no sponsor, except the scholars collectively present. The report that follows attempts to report faithfully the key issues raised in the seminar, identifying the source of contributions wherever possible. This thematic report was developed from summaries of each session and written memoranda which participants contributed in elaboration of their oral interventions. The report is organized around the main themes of asymmetry and dependency, nationalism, ideology, pluralism and community. The authors expect the report to be viewed as the collective work of all participants.

This article focuses on a discussion between Durkheim and Theodore Ruyssen following an address on pacifism delivered by Ruyssen, the well known French professor of Legal History at Bordeaux. Durkheim talks about a "lack of unity" in the doctrine of pacifism. Mention might be made of the different variants of pacifism which developed in France or Europe before, or just around, Durkheim's time. A subsequent variant of pacifism was related to the development of the industrial revolution. In the name of economic development, it saw pacifism as a utilitarian means of rechanneling "wasteful" expenditure spent on war. According to standard socialist theoretical formulation, the pacifism of an internationalized working class had to be developed to counter the militarism promoted by conflicting nationalistic ruling classes. It has historiographic importance in terms of an early critique of the Second International as well as chauvinistic nationalism.

The article explores the relationship of structural-functional analysis to regionalism. According to regional sociologists Howard W. Odum and Rupert B. Vance, regional sociology will eventually emphasize the comparative study of inter-regional problems, with a view toward balance and equilibrium. In reaching this aim, regionalism should contribute to the general science of society and human behavior. The major areas, regions, and smaller units of the modern world, however, are more than territorial divisions in which the culture content is similar. They are structural-functional units, of several sorts, and they are interconnected to each other and to larger area or social wholes.

The article compares the three farm organizations in the U.S. in an effort to move toward a more objective characterization of the organization's value orientations. Rural sociologists generally regard the Farmer's Educational and Cooperative Union of America, generally known as Farmer's Union, as more liberal that the Grange, official name "The Patrons of Husbandry", or the American Farm Bureau. The author extracted policy statements from resolutions adopted by the national conventions of the three organizations during the period, December 1950-March 1952 and had them ranked by judges, without identification as to organization. The judges ranked the statements on nationalism-patriotism, achievement and success, humanitarian mores,and freedom. A count of the number of "most conservative," "least conservative," and "neutral" judgments received by each organization showed a high degree of consensus by the judges that the Farmers' Union is the least conservative. The Farm Bureau was judged more conservative than the Grange.

The article presents information on a bulletin, "A Community Looks at Itself: A Method of Self-Study for Small Communities As Developed at Weeping Water." This bulletin is the outgrowth of Nebraska's participation in the Mid-Century White House Conference on Children and Youth and is itself an expression of the interstimulation of national, state, and local group thinking. The immediate circumstance leading to the preparation of the bulletin was the widespread expression of a need for materials which would aid in developing ways and means to carry out programs for improvement of conditions for youth and children in local communities. This expression of need came to the Nebraska Council on Children and Youth from all parts of the state. The Council asked the cooperation of specialists from the University of Nebraska Graduate School of Social Work in developing a self-appraisal device which could be used by Nebraska communities desiring to analyze their services to children and youth.

This article focuses on the remarks made by Professor O.D. Duncan which are taken from a personal letter to the Managing Editor of the periodical "Rural Psychology." They are an extension of Duncan's remarks on regionalism made informally in the discussions at the Saint Louis meeting of the Rural Sociological Society. The American Library Association created in 1941 the Committee on Aid to Libraries in War Areas, headed by John R. Russell, the Librarian of the University of Rochester. The Committee is faced with numerous serious problems and hopes that American scholars and scientists will be of considerable aid in the solution of one of these problems. One of the most difficult tasks in library reconstruction after the first World War was that of completing foreign institutional sets of American scholarly, scientific, and technical periodicals. The attempt to avoid a duplication of that situation is now the concern of the Committee. Many sets of journals will be broken by the financial inability of the institutions to renew subscriptions.

Copyright of Rural Sociology is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines the relationship between bilingualism and nationalism. Bilingualism and nationalism are both highly complex phenomena, each of which merits a thorough analysis on its own. Various situations described as bilingual are presented. The role of link languages is discussed.

The study of national character describes the observed or deduced motives and values dominant within a given society at a given time in a way little different from that in which a study in primitive law describes the legal norms and sanctions operative in a given society at a given time. This article seeks to explore the hypothesis that the national character of a society may be modified or transformed over a given period through the selection of personnel for institutions that are in constant contact with the mass of the population and in a somewhat superordinate position, in a position of some authority. The institution proposed to be examined in detail are the English police forces.

Despite formidable difficulties being encountered in the study of national character, substantial progress was nevertheless being made. This article deals with the current emphasis on ways in which national character is modified. This emphasis permeates the approach of each social science discipline to national character. In each discipline empirical methods have been employed to study the process of change.

The article discusses the dialogue between the Commissariat gé né ral du Plan and the Corps Pré fectoral on internal administrative reform and regionalism in France. Metropolitan France is divided into ninety such departments, whose average area of 2,360 sq. miles, is nevertheless double that of the corresponding average English county. The French four-year plans have been regionalized in the context of a need to strike a balance not only between Paris and the provinces, but also between the declining agricultural regions with little or no industrial tradition and the well established industrial areas, where self-sustaining economic growth is assured. The plans differed from the programs in having no time scale: they laid emphasis on favoring a harmonious geographical distribution of the population and its activities and were to guide the location of public and private capital investment.

This article examines some theories and explanations for the Jameson Raid of the gold mining industry in the Transvaal, South at the end of 1895. In swinging towards political events in their search for the causes of Raid, recent historians tried to avoid the discrepancies that stalked a more economic interpretation. First, they doubted if Rand mine-owners had really serious grievances against the government. Second, they assumed that all mine-owners had similar economic interests, but that in turn raised the dilemma of why some mine magnates supported and some opposed or ignored the plans for rebellion. Third, they either were frankly puzzled by the dilemma or resolved it by showing that personal rivalries or nationalist sympathies pushed mine-owners into rival camps. The main gold-bearing formations at Johannesburg were parallel reefs that ran roughly east and west near the Witwatersrand Range. The reefs mostly came to the surface of the farmlands and from 1886 were worked by companies in which engineers and financiers from the Kimberley diamond field were often dominant. The early companies were the outcrop mines, and their head frames and mill chimneys soon marked the course of the outcrop for miles on either side of Johannesburg like factories along a railway line. The outcrop companies needed little capital to sink their shallow shafts into the reefs, and often early profits from gold financed their capital expenditure.

The article profiles the U.S. President George Washington. Washington stands alone in American history for his service as a soldier and for his strength in guiding the U.S. government as a president. He shows great composure in handling the country's problems at hand. When he became president he faced the same problems in the field of politics that he had in the battle field. Because of his nationalism and love for his country, Washington turned his back from a life of leisure to fight for the freedom of America.

We live in an age of "liberation" or at least of liberation movements. On the international scene we have become familiar with national liberation movements of all sorts; and domestically, the black liberation, women's liberation, and a number of radical peoples' liberation movements are well known. The liberation of the federal employee has been the result of changes in at least three broad overlapping areas which are more analytically than practically distinct. The first of these concerns the law. There have been many legal changes in recent years affecting the status of public employees generally, but none has surpassed in importance the development of a new constitutional doctrine. Another legal change of importance has involved equal employment opportunity. In this regard the relative liberation of the federal employee is directly related to the black and women's liberation movements, and, in fact, has been a significant aspect of them. A second area of liberation has involved political efforts. These are continuing and may become more important in the future. The third area of liberation has been a partial result of the first two and has been confined to federal employees themselves. It concerns a marked attitudinal change.

Describes the role of the foreign language teacher in national reconstruction. Public views toward the foreign language profession; Description of the relationship of the culture of the U.S. with European cultures; Effect of World War I on the U.S.

Tests hypotheses about intergenerational changes in the socialization process that have led the author to conclude that nationalism is a declining force in Western Europe. Hypothesis that one's nationality is formed early in life; Testing of the hypothesis by analysis of cross-national public opinion survey data.

Focuses on Great Britain's crisis of identity. Obstacles to the country's pursuit of excellence; Determination of the country's strategic aims; Forces influencing the establishment of a nation's identity; Resolution of the crisis of national identity.

Compares supranational integration in Europe and Latin America. Nationalist ideologies of ruling elites; Bureaucratization of decision making; Creation of the European Economic Community and the Latin American Free Trade Association; Aims of non-governmental elites.

This article examines the psychological commitment of the United Nations Educational, Scientific & Cultural Organization (UNESCO). Three sections in the primary organization of UNESCO are central in discharging UNESCO's psychological commitment: the Social Sciences section, the Education section and the section dealing with Mass Media of Communication such as the film, the radio and the press. The Social Sciences Sub-Commission presented the bulk of the essentially psychological projects. The Sub-Commission distinguished what may be described as a broad field of tension centering around three interconnected groups of world problems: those relating to nationalism and internationalism; those relating to population; and those relating to technological progress.

Regardless of the groups concerned, under oppression ideological justifications of oppression take standard forms. All oppressed groups are attacked by claims of putative differences. The standard responses to these claims are all potentially politically harmful to the responding group. Cultural nationalist replies in particular are ways to cover up the political realities of oppression. Normally oppressed peoples base such replies on the fact that they do have an independent or autonomous culture. In addition, their are defined in standard ways by their oppressors, and share similar adaptation patterns. While the last two hold for women, we have no independent culture. Thus women may avoid cultural nationalism. But men do have an independent culture. So at present many feminists are trying to create a female culture, but they would be better advised to aim for power-bases instead. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discusses the views of French literary critic Albert Thibaudet on French nationalism. Career background; Views on the League of Nations; Information on his essays about the first World War.

Foreign, especially European, governments seek national advantages through subsidies to American education. A suggested corrective. A course for college seniors majoring in foreign languages, to present more fully the various national points of view. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research had two purposes. The first was primarily descriptive, to trace the development of the concept of flag and the sense of national identity. The second purpose was to assess the applicability of principles of concept formation derived from other studies to a new content area. From these studies, two principles of concept formation may be derived. The conjunction of terms and statements of relationship between terms which define the meaning of a concept is not grasped in its entirety or immediately by the child. The order in which the elements of meaning are grasped is fairly stable from child to child? An attempt was made to determine the extent to which these conditions hold for the concept of flag and the sense of national identity.

There are two reasons for examining Ismailis. First, there is a practical, political reason, which is to see whether this particular Asian community in Tanzania will be able to continue to live and develop in that society, for the majority of the Ismailis are wealthy in comparison with the Africans, and Tanzania is pursuing a socialist policy and trying to develop a national identity. Secondly, a more strictly sociological reason: the Ismailis are one of the most modern Muslim groups engaged in trade and commerce. They provide an ideal empirical example for examining a number of generalizations in the sociology of religion, largely derived from sociologist Max Weber, about the inter-relation of economic activity and religious ethics, but applying them to an Islamic group, which Weber did not do himself. The Ismailis in Tanzania are a clear example of a status group, in Weber's sense, with a set of ideal and material interests which they wish to preserve and enhance in a changing political situation in a new nation in East Africa.

Contemporary Jamaica is relatively complex and internally diverse. Although four-fifth of its population are black, and nine-tenth of the remainder are colored persons of mixed ancestry. There are structurally significant groups of Chinese, Syrian, Jewish, Portuguese and British descent, and in several cases these ethnic groups are also differentiated by special status, organizations and occupational interests. Apart from this racial complexity, Jamaica includes a number of significantly different ecological areas. Out of the 1.6 million people who live in Jamaica, perhaps one-quarter are to be found in Kingston and the other main towns, and nearly one-half live in the hilly interior. The rate of population growth is very high. Jamaica's racial diversity strikes the visitor immediately but local nationalism has developed a convenient mythology of progress according to which race differences are held to be irrelevant in personal relations. Race and its symbol color do play a very important part in structuring relations between individuals within Jamaica, and the study of this aspect of local life can throw a great deal of light on the island-society.

The article focuses on European culture. The whole story of mankind seems to have been one unbroken chain of such attempts, many of which admittedly failed, or instead of producing rapid and successful results, led to involved detours by which something was eventually improved, whilst many succeeded only in creating new difficulties. Nowadays the contexts in which the term "European" seems appropriate are legion, not only in the economic field, but also in the closer cultural sphere. The fact that there exists something that can only be described as "European culture" is after all proved by the existence of such splendid institutions as Europe House in London. There certainly is something, which may be called a European mentality or European way of thinking. One does not dispute the existence of something merely because it is difficult to define and can be viewed from many different aspects. Moreover, the nationalism of individual Europeans does not conflict with a European cultural consciousness any more than it conflicts with the idea of the human race or a common humanity encompassing the whole world. It is a proof merely of the validity of a cultural area wider than the individual nations but smaller than all mankind.

Motivation is dynamically related not only to the content of cognition but to the process of cognition as well has recently elicited the theoretical and experimental interest of many psychologists. A memory change may be said to take place, which favors better configuration, or conventionalizing, of the complicated individual differentials, for example, nose and color of skin. Thus the minority group member fits his group, and his individual characteristics have been forgotten while the group's characteristics have become pregnant in retention. Considering the nature of ethnocentrism and the general hypothesis that emotional and cognitive processes are associated with memorial changes, it would probably be more meaningful psycho logically to place all the data under the one heading of assimilation. Nevertheless these arbitrary separations are convenient for purposes of treating the data so long as their conceptual boundaries are not maintained too rigidly in the discussion of results.

The region "East Asia" is understood here to refer to China, Korea and Japan. Geographically, the Pacific littoral of the Soviet Union could be included in East Asia, but it is a part of a social and political unit whose centre is not in East Asia. Similarly the Mongolian Peoples Republic could be included but is not considered because of the author's limitations of knowledge. Looking at China, Korea and Japan in terms of the formation of a distinctive politico-cultural unit, we are impressed by the early formation and continuous development of such units by all three. In the case of China, this can be traced back to the Chou and the Chin dynasties. Chinese characters, Confucianism and other Chinese philosophies which have influenced not only the Chinese people but also the Koreans and the Japanese until the nineteenth, or even twentieth century, the idea of the Middle Kingdom which contained the assumption of the cultural unity and supremacy of China over external barbarians, all these were the products of the period of the Chou dynasty. In terms of political integration, the first emperor of the Chin dynasty, Shih Huang Ti took such important steps as the creation of a centralized administrative organization, the unification of weights and measures, and the construction of roads leading to the capital, of canals connecting north and south, and of the famous Great Wall which constituted part of the boundary of his empire.

If Europe was the cradle of nations in the modern sense of the word, the Balkans were the part of Europe where this process of nation-building progressed more slowly and unevenly than elsewhere, and under the most complex conditions imaginable. It is therefore somewhat of a paradox that the complex historical process of nation-building in the Balkans, which embarked on its final phase only with the Second World War, has not been the subject of broader and more comprehensive scientific research, at least not from the standpoint of contemporary sociology and political science. In recent years, the national phenomenon in its various aspects has captured the interest of research workers and is becoming an area for fruitful application of interdisciplinary approaches and methods of study. This is understandable in view of the place that nations and national relationships between people hold in the development of the present-day word. The modern study of these problems, launched by, among other things, Karl Deutsch's book "Nationalism and Social Communication," has largely been oriented in two directions: to certain cases of nation-building within the fold of multinational States in Europe and in other parts of the world, and to the problems of nations and nationalism among the so-called new States.

There is no doubt that a new trend in political science has developed over the past fifteen years. This new trend may be characterized, in general, by the use of diverse relevant social sciences to explain a given theme, by greater and more systematic comparative efforts and by a renewed interest in social dynamics. This new trend has been beneficial to political science because it has helped to defeat the old parochial, configurative, formalistic approach and stimulated the emergence of a new, more comprehensive, realistic and precise approach, tending to seek out a new theoretical order. One of the themes where this theoretical order has reached an advanced stage of crystallization is the so-called modernization or political development field. In the last five years, more and more political scientists have reached a virtual consensus about a general definition of modernization and about the main processes underlying political development. Much widely accepted literature refers to one or several of the following main processes: identity.

In order to explain the development of the national State system, the term "nation" must be defined first. The definition accepted in the Soviet Union specialized literature on the subject is as follows: a nation is an historically established, stable entity distinguished by its community of language, territory, economic structure and cast of mind as expressed in its common culture. The four latter features must be found in conjunction: if any of them is lacking, a nation cannot be said to exist. It follows from the above definition that a national community is not to be confused either with a racial community or with a tribal one, since a nation is an historical phenomenon, which has not always existed and will not exist forever in the future. Nations made their appearance at the time of the liquidation of feudal fragmentation and the establishment of a capitalist society. Because the Soviet Union embarked on the road to capitalism later than the countries of Western Europe, nations emerged later there than in other countries. Moreover, the development of capitalism throughout the vast territories of the Soviet Union was uneven; in outlying areas, the system did not have time to crystallize before the October Revolution occurred; and this meant that the emergence of nations in these regions took place in what were already conditions of socialist construction.

The identification of elite groups, leaders and followers is in certain respects an even more treacherous task in underdeveloped than in developed lands. In traditional societies, the prevailing type of action is fixed or prescribed more or less rigidly for every situation. In industrial societies, on the other hand, the type of action derives from what may be termed a deliberate decision, the choice itself or deliberate decision is essentially imposed by the social structure. The traditionalist opposes change and rational choice is not to prepare to discover how the traditionalist actually has changed, what choices he has exercised, and not at all incidentally how he has done so in order to preserve both his ethical values and his notion of the proper social stratification system. A primary function of the secular nation state is to channel and order class as well as other interest conflicts which threaten whatever may be the definition of the public welfare.

The article discusses Scottish nationalism from the 1920s through the 1960s. The role that nationalism plays within political parties in Scotland, including in the Scottish Nationalist Party (S.N.P), the Conservative Party and the Scottish Labour Party, is discussed. The relationship between elections in Scotland and the decentralization of Great Britain's government is also discussed. An overview of the political attitudes of Scottish legislators, including their putative similar perspectives to those of African nationalists, is provided.

The article discusses political parties in Latin America, focusing on their influence and social impact as of July 1966. According to the article, political parties can mediate between people and their governments. Topics include positivism, socialist parties, populist parties, nationalism, competition for power, and the identification of people with political parties in urban and rural regions. Differences between political parties in Latin America, the U.S., and Europe are described. Political parties mentioned include the Argentine Radical Party, the Brazilian Labour Party, and the Conservative Party in Colombia.

The article reports on Puerto Rico, island in the West Indies which, with small nearby islands, constitutes a commonwealth associated with the U.S. Some 650 persons a square mile make Puerto Rico crowded, and its 3,400 square miles make it the smallest of the Greater Antilles. The other three are Jamaica, Hispaniola and Cuba, with area square mileages of 4,400, 30,000, and 44,200. To the island come Peace Corpsmen for training to serve in Latin America, officials of former colonies to hear of Operation Bootstrap, Caribbean unionists for brief courses, and in the winter Mainland policy makers who depart with warm sentiments. With poor soil and a serrate-dentate terrain, a sea that owing to great depth supplies few fish, hurricanes, and minerals and forests of commercial insignificance, Puerto Rico has a more narrow resource base than did Ireland during the potato famine. Meager resources keep it from being a developmental model. A British Commonwealth nation is a sovereign State. The Commonwealth of Puerto Rico is not. Stressing nationalism, most sovereign nations have serious misgivings about a non-independent area being a first-rate developmental model.

The article reports on nationalism in United States. There are scores of new States in Asia and Africa that are trying to set up free societies. It is a "new birth of freedom" on a grand scale. It is in fact freedom's greatest test, for it involves the older free regimes of Europe and the United States. If truth counts over charity, then one must point out that the new States will fail, if not all, then all but a few. Some are already succumbing to the initial perils of liberty that the last paper of the Federalist warned Americans against: "anarchy, civil war, a perpetual alienation of the States from each other, and perhaps the military despotism of a victorious demagogue." The real wonder is in believing that national unity could ever arise in freedom among the many units that nowadays arrogate to themselves the name of nation. They are nations only to the map maker. Many are areas marked off only for colonial administrative convenience; some have dozens, even hundreds, of languages, several antagonistic religions; a still uncounted welter of tribes living in mutual ignorance or traditional war; and above all there stands the great gulf between the village primitive and the urban modern.

The article presents a discussion on the image of the entrepreneur in Indonesia. In common with some other nations of Southeast Asia, the Republic of Indonesia envisages the development of its economy in such a way that both far-reaching collectivist controls and private enterprise are to be accommodated in it. Although Indonesian nationalism has always been strongly influenced by Marxism, ideologues of the new nationalist-Muslim entrepreneurial groups rationalized their position by drawing a distinction between their own capitalistic interests and the operations of sinful capitalism (that is, Dutch and other Western enterprises in the country). All these factors have contributed to the popular image of the entrepreneur in Indonesia. The first aspect of this image that needs to be emphasized is the relative lack of historic and cultural continuity in the figure of the contemporary entrepreneur: he is an alien element in the new, history-conscious, national Indonesian world, whose function at best lies on the periphery of traditional Indonesian values, at worst evokes the hostility also shown for the foreign trader and industrialist whom modern nationalism has customarily depicted in the darkest colors. The lack of popularity of the entrepreneur is also due to the enduring strength of other status and vocational values in Indonesian society, particularly those associated with the aristocrat and his role in government.

The article presents a sociological analysis of Indonesia's first national election. That the outcome of the first Indonesian election turned out to be a decisive and surprising victory for the forces of traditionalism and nativism can be demonstrated also by the new position of the Islamic parties in Indonesia. In the world's largest nominally Islamic Republic, it is again a determinedly anti-Western and "nativistic" brand of Islam that proved to possess a remarkable following among the electorate. Traders from India in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries were manly responsible for bringing Islam to Indonesia and to this day the merchant entrepreneur has been a major pillar of the faith. Islam in Indonesia tended therefore from the first to be urban in environment and bourgeois in social orientation. The results of Indonesia's first national election indicate first of all the continued strength of the old secular-oriented nationalist leadership in combination with the traditional aristocracy. The victory of a reactionary "nativism" in contemporary Indonesia was also demonstrated by the completely unexpected strength of the Nahdatul Ulama, an ultra-orthodox Muslim party, which to a large degree represents the traditional trends of rural cultural eclecticism in Indonesian life.

The article discusses the future of American liberalism. The future of American liberalism has long concerned not merely the modern professional intellectuals who have thought themselves responsible for it, but numerous people beyond them who have feared for what they interpret to be their liberties. The author of a valuable thesis, The Idea of Progress in America, 1815-1860 (1944), concluded that the idea "was the most popular American philosophy, thoroughly congenial to the ideas and interests of the age." He has undertaken to define liberalism "rigidly," as containing the essence of individualism; and by that measure can find no important deviation from a road of events which, from colonial times to the present, runs downward and away from liberalism, through capitalism (both liberal and monopoly) and through two world wars to the garrison and police states. The book "The Decline of American Liberalism" professes a certain impersonality. It concedes that there may have been a rise in democracy, and that there may well be worthy, or, at least, defensible, values in other non-liberal aims and accomplishments which author finds in progressivism, socialism, and nationalism.

This article explores the motive of the U.S. behind its policy of assistance to underdeveloped areas of the world commonly known as Point Four. There is no intent here to belittle the altruistic or humanitarian motives that have prompted the American people to support aid to less fortunate peoples in other parts of the world through both private and governmental channels, but it would be strange indeed were Congress to support a program not deemed contributory to the national interest and power of the U.S. Self-preservation is a high-priority goal of national states. It is therefore not astonishing to discover that most of the Congressional debate concerning the Act for International Development centered bee fore its passage on its merits and demerits as an effective means for fighting Communism and that the press, both here and abroad, interpreted Point Four as a new weapon in the worldwide power conflict. Conceivably Point Four might also be considered successful if it did not stimulate the growth of the retarded economies appreciably, provided that the attempt to give economic impetus to the backward areas created a more favorable attitude on the part of their governments and their peoples toward the U.S. than otherwise would have prevailed.

The article reports on geopolitics of the U.S.S.R. The fortunes of World War II, and the diplomatic decisions made in the high councils of the Allies, allowed the military occupation of Poland, part of Austria, Hungary, Rotimania, Bulgaria, Yugoslavia and Eastern Germany. Russia's geopolitical drive has long been gravitating toward ancient Constantinople, for both strategic and ideological reasons. During the nineteenth century, Pan- Slavism was employed as dynamite against the Austro-Hungarian and Turkish empires, and is now re-employed as a nationalistic and ethnic appeal to the "Slavic kinship" among the communist and non-communist elements of the Slavic peoples. For generations, Iranians have had complaints enough to justify a dozen revolutions. Poor, weak and undefended, the country stands in an exposed strategic position on the southern border of the greatest European and Asiatic military power. Rich in oil, it would be a plum for any conqueror. Every now and then, in recent years, the Kremlin has shaken the tree.

The article focuses on national self-determination. The principle of natural self-determination is related to another principle, that of self-government. Nevertheless, it is better that the two be distinguished from each principle of self-government concerns primarily political independence, but does not, like the national self-determination, aim at setting a norm for the solution of boundary problems. This principle, as stated in Article 2 of the Atlantic Charter developed under the impact of the struggles for national freedom and consolidation. For this reason it is often identified with national, if not nationalistic motives. The specific objections raised against the principle as such have found considerable support. It is argued that national self-determination by necessity would lead to a "Balkanization" of the continents. To be sure, the right of self-determination like every right is subject to the danger of abuse and needs limitation lest it lead to disintegration. It is said, that self-determination has to be denied when economic considerations plead against it.

The article focuses on the problem of national, racial and religious minorities. Underlying and complicating the difficult and perplexing issue of political freedom for India are at least three seemingly irreconcilable racial, religious and national minorities, the Brahmins, the Mohammedans and the "untouchables" whose conflicts makes it exceedingly difficult for the people of India, with its vast Hindu majority, to organize a united and independent government. In France, where modern conceptions of a virile, aggressive, nationalistic state seemed to many such as to render it impregnable, the smouldering heritage of suppressions suffered by national and racial minorities with distinct dialects and cultures, coupled with the anti-Christian policies of the State, undermined its unity and solidarity and thereby played a considerable role in its recent unhappy collapse. The problem of social, religious and national minorities in the Balkan states has considerably checkered the history of the whole of Europe as well as of those unfortunate peoples themselves.

The article focuses on the issue of nationalism and internationalism. Nationalism is one of the dominant social forces of the world today. Economic and political nationalisms have oriented many of the modern states away from the fundamental basis of international natural law. For the ardent nationalist, the majesty of the State is the summum bonum. The State being sovereign, there are no rights which the state must respect against its own will. The extreme internationalist, on the other hand, would have the nation, or state wither more and more, until finally the superstate or world commonwealth alone remain. The consciousness of universal brotherhood, generated by the Spirit of Christian teaching, correlates perfectly with natural love and devotion to one's nation. The major phases of the world economic problem, unequal distribution of raw materials and restraint of international trade, are the questions of colonies and emigration. The unequal distribution of the world population has undoubtedly been greatly aggravated by the inequitable distribution of wealth and the inaccessibleness of raw materials created through artificial controls, national and international.

The article profiles the U.S. President Abraham Lincoln. When he won the presidency in March 4, 1861, his first inaugural address was a plea for the preservation of the Federal Union. His rise to fame came when the nation was caught in a reaction which might have lead to degeneration and depravity, and disunity. Because of Lincoln's devotion to a noble idea, he saved the country from the terrible peril of the country's own doing.

The article presents a speech by U.S. President Herbert Hoover. delivered at the Republican National Convention on July 25, 1960. He discussed the problems facing the country from overseas. However, in his speech, President Hoover did not comment on the problems and statements poured upon the Americans. Rather, he spoke of the spiritual force and the nationalism which has been impaired by cynicism and weakened by foreign infections.

A major threat to man's survival is the adherence of most contemporary national leaders and of large sections of the peoples of many contemporary nations to militaristic and nationalistic religious systems. Many patriots look upon their particular brand of nationalism as deriving from the Ultimate, as beyond empirical demonstration, and as of supreme importance; similarly with democracy, capitalism, communism, and militarism. The strong motivations inherent in religiousness and the tenacity with which they are held increase this threat. Religiousness is not inherently good. On any scale of values which is held consistently some religiousness would be evil. The important thing is that we should understand well the reasons and consequences of our own and each others' definitions. We should become critically aware of the advantages and the limitations for inquiry that different definitions yield, and should be disposed to incorporate into our own preferred organization of ideas whatever we can of the discoveries of others.