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SUMMARY It is the purpose of the present paper to replace the traditional theory of industrial stages by a better model based on the criteria of capital and control. In constructing the new model we became aware of the fact it is necessary to distinguish between 'capital'-intensive and 'capital'-extensive industries and again within the latter between those which worked for local consumption and for the export trade, respectively. Only for the 'capital'-extensive industries working for the export trade something like stages in the industrial development can be discovered. In fact, the stage reached in these industries in the eighteenth century brought them organizationally close to the older 'capital'-intensive industries, so that for that period we subsume both under the head of protofactory. The protofactory of the model based on capital and control shows the essential characteristics of the factory, although in reality there were some elements distinguishing the protofactory from the full-fledged factory. In the second section of the paper we describe in detail the organizational features of the protofactory after clearing up the etymological confusion in that ZUSAMMENFASSUNG Der Beitrag zielt darauf ab, die traditionelle Theorie der industriellen Stufen durch ein auf den Kriterien ≪Kapital≫ und ≪KontroIle≫ basierendes, besseres Modell zu ersetzen. Beim Aufbau dieses neuen Modells zeigte sich die Notwendig-keit einer Unterscheidung zwischen kapitahntensiven und kapitalextensiven Industrien, welche letztere wiederum unterteilt werden mussen in solche, die fiir den einheimischen Verbrauch arbeiten, und solche, die fiir den Export produ-zieren. Nur fiir die im Export tatigen kapitalextensiven Industrien lasst sich so etwas wie Stadien der industriellen Entwicklung entdecken. In der Tat brachte das Stadium, welches diese Industrien im 18. Jahrhundert erreicht hatten, sie organisatorisch in enge Verbindung zu den alteren, kapitahntensiven Industrien, so dass fiir jene Periode beide unter dem Oberbegriff'Ur-Fabrik' (protofactory) zusammengefasst werden konnen. Das auf ≪Kapital≫ und ≪K.ontrolle≫ aufge-baute Modell der Urfabrik bringt wesentliche Merkmale der Fabrik zum Aus-druck, obwohl sich in Wirklichkeit die Urfabrik von der fliigge gewordenen Fabrik in einigen Punkten unterschied. Im zweiten Teil der Arbeit werden die organisatorischen Grundziige der Urfabrik im Detail beschrieben; zuvor wird die in diesem Bereich herrschende etymologische Verwirrung geklart. Abschliessend wird gezeigt, dass weder der im organisatorischen Aufbau der Industrie tatige Geschaftsmann noch der zeit-genossische Okonom erfasst hatten, was sich vor ihren Augen abspielte. Es brauchte Jahrzehnte, bis der Industrielle die Notwendigkeit regelmassiger Ab-schreibungen erkannte, und der klassische Okonom lehrte noch lange die inverse Korrelation zwischen Lohn und Profit und die Vcrschiebbarkeit des Kapitals von Industrie zu Industrie, nachdem diese beidenfiir das putting-out system typischen Wesensziige mit dem Erscheinen der Urfabrik verschwunden waren. RÉSUMÉ Cet article a pour but, de remplacer la théorie traditionelle des stades industriels par un modèle meilleur, basé sur les critères de capital et de contrǒ1e. En construisant ce nouveau modèle, nous nous rendons compte de la nécessité, de distinguer entre industries intensives en capital et celles extensives en capital et ces dernieres de nouveau, en celles qui travaillent pour la consommation interne, et celles qui produisent pour l'exportation. C'est uniquement pour les industries extensives en capital produisant pour l'exportation, qu'on peut d^couvrir des soi-disants stades du developpement industriels. En fait, le stade atteint dans ces industries au dix-huitieme siecle les amenait du point de vue de I'organisation en relation étroite avec les industries plus vieilles et intensives en capital, de facon a ce que pour cette periode, les deux pouvaient ětre résumés sous le terme de ≪protofabrique≫. La protofabrique du modele, basee sur le capital et le contrdle met en relief les principales caracteristiques de l'usine, malgre que la protofabrique se distingue en realite en beaucoup de points de l'usine evoluée. Dans la deuxieme partie de cet article, les elements organisateurs de la protofabrique sont decrits en detail, apres avoir eclairci les confusions etymologiques. Finalement l'auteur montre, que ni le commercant actif dans le developpement organisateur de l'industrie, ni l'economiste classique contemporain ont saisi ce qui se deroulait devant leurs yeux. II a fallu des dixaines d'annees jusqu'a ce que I'industriel reconnaisse Futility d'amortisations regulieres, et l'econome classique enseignait encore longtemps la correlation inverse entre le salaire et le profit et Pajustement du capital d'une industrie a l'autre, malgre que ces deux faits typiques par le 'putting-out system', avaient disparu avec l'apparition de la protofabrique. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper sets forth a general hypothesis that relates instrumental activities of the family to unilineal emphasis in intergenerational ties and reviews the findings of a variety of studies which can be accounted for by this general hypothesis. The hypothesis states that, where there is succession in male instrumental roles, solidarity will be greater between the nuclear family and the lineal relatives of men, and where there is no succession, solidarity will be greater with the wife's family. Since industrialization does away with male succession in instrumental roles, the hypothesis explains the predominance of matrilateral ties between generations in industrial societies. Findings are reviewed from studies of intergenerational solidarity in pre-industrial and industrial societies. The data on intergenerational solidarity include household sharing, residential proximity, interaction and ties of sentiment, and exchanges of help. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article comments on the paper "An Economic Theory of the Growth of the Western World," by professors Douglas C. North and Robert Paul Thomas. The paper is related to European economic growth. The theory proposed by North and Thomas relies heavily upon three components. The first is a model for cyclical fluctuations in the pre-industrial economic life of Europe. This model defines the relative changes in the cost of land and labor as changes in population alter the ratio between the two. It incorporates the relative elasticities which have been found in the supply and demand curves for foodstuffs as opposed to those for raw materials and industrial products. North and Thomas then elaborate this last observation into the second major element of their model, a "theory of institutional change." The shifts in factor proportions so heightened the possibilities of profit from production for the market that they exceeded the costs of the institutional innovations needed to change the organization of production and distribution of income. The result was the steady introduction of "secondary" institutional changes such as enclosures, joint-stock companies, government support of certain guilds, and regulation of quality.

SUMMARY Many of the central problems surrounding economic development require a broader analytic context than that provided by traditional Western economic theory. The value of the institutionalist tradition has been referred to with increasing frequency in this regard. The contributions and shortcomings of this tradition are well illustrated in V eblen's thought. The shortcomings, the principal subject of this paper, include (a) an inadequate treatment of economic motivation (b) a tendency to view the study of economic institutions as a substitute for, rather than a complement to, price theory (including the related disciplines of mathematical economics and econometrics) and (c) an inadequate exploration of the nature and significance of alternative institutions in their relation to economic development. In each of these respects the concepts and comparative analyses of M ax W eber provide valuable additions to both methodology and theory. Weber's legacy deserves the attention of all those who believe that (to paraphrase Whitehead) economics should be a survey of possibilities, not a quarrel among irritable professors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Presents the estimates of final and intermediate commodity output derived from the manufacturing censuses in Canada. Rate of growth of the Canadian economy; Comparison of the process of industrialization in Canada and the U.S.; Examination on the growth and structure of the flows of commodity output.

This paper reviews the current state of knowledge about the effects of industrialization upon systems of social stratification. Taking societies as the unit of observation, we consider the relationships between level of industrialization and (I) the distribution of status characteristics in the population (the structure of stratification) ; (2) the pattern of interrelations among status characteristics (the process of stratification); and (3) the form of linkages between status characteristics and other aspects of social behavior (the consequences of stratification). A set of propositions is specified, a few of which are empirically well established but most of which yet require empirical testing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The search for uniformities in the growth patterns of individual industries rose to a peak some 30 years ago in the explorations of economists Simon S. Kuznets and in the subsequent comprehensive work of Arthur F. Burns. Partly because of the widespread acceptance of these results and attendant explanations of their inevitability, and partly because of the compelling attractions of other economic problems, little additional work was done in this area for an extended period. Recent portents of a revival of interest stem from three sources: the growing output of long-term forecasts for individual industries, which invites a search for generalizations and efforts to reinvigorate research and theory relating to economic growth by probing the behavior of disaggregated sectors. This paper will concentrate primarily on reviewing Burns's expectations and comparing them with actual results over the following 25 years as a basis for: suggesting revisions in the interpretation of his original findings; outlining needed modifications in the theory as well as the pattern of industrial growth paths; and exploring the possibility of developing patterned expectations for the growth of individual commodities and firms.

The article focuses on the preparations for economic growth in Japan. The author remarks that while the main outlines of Japanese economic development during the period since the Restoration are now rather firmly blocked out, current interest in comparative development during the pre-take-off period of the growth process makes it worthwhile to re-examine the previous era, the Japanese Tokugawa period. According to him the recognition of the preparatory role of Tokugawa is seldom perceived and certainly not stressed in previous studies. Some notion of the importance of Tokugawa glimmered in the literature for years. In this article the author seeks to move away from the ambivalent treatment of Tokugawa and to assemble some of the more important factors indicating the high economic levels attained by Japan in the Tokugawa period which prepared her for the take-off of 1868. He focuses on the covering materials on population, agriculture, production, institutional changes effecting savings and growth potentials, manufacturing and trade, both internal and external.

The article assesses financial innovation and structural change in the early stages of industrialization based on the experience of the financial sector in Mexico from 1945-1959. A description of a traditional economy is included as is the transformation by which such an economy can become a developing economy through alterations in the production function. There are five ways, the article states, for financing innovation in developing economies, including self-financing, tax increases, direct financing, government securities, and indirect financing.

The article focuses on the relationship of unemployment to crime and delinquency. It would appear that rises in juvenile crime go hand in hand with industrialization and economic affluence. In India, a country with a generally low delinquency rate, a sudden rise of delinquency in Orissa province coincided with the erection of a new steel plant and anew urban, industrial center in the area. Advocates of rapid industrialization stress the positive social effects of economic well being, pointing out that providing employment opportunities gives people the means of escaping from the antisocial consequences of poverty. In order to have a clear look at the relationship between employment and crime, one must discard the idea that a simple cause and effect relationship can be isolated. It is necessary to explore the exact nature and operation of the variables intervening between these two conditions. Initially, rates of adult crime and rates of juvenile crime must be separately examined since considerable evidence suggests that they are not positively correlated.

This article examines whether an increase in population occurred in the same places where the action of capitalism was exerted. Between 1650 and 1950 the population of the area of European settlement grew. Therefore, the great increase of population in territories occupied by Europeans coincided with the industrial expansion of those territories. The early 19th century rise if population in Ireland was related to the increased market for food provided by advancing England. Adam Smith, witnessing the early stages of the relation between industrialization and population, gave it a general formulation: the demand for labor is what makes population grow.

The article discusses the role of organized labor in economic development in Africa. The following interpretations are analyzed: the interpretation of the Inter-University Study of Labor Problems in Economic Development; the political unionism viewpoint; and the interpretation of those who believe that the role of labor is to contribute to rapid economic growth. The author points that the role of organized labor to regulate conflict has been weakened in the developing areas. Thus, labor's contribution to industrialization and economic development remains an elusive one.

The article discusses the planning reforms implemented in Poland during 1964 and 1965. Topics discussed include Stalinist system, a political and economic system implemented in Poland, failure of traditional planning methods in providing services such as quality improvement, innovation and cost reduction, and decrease in sale of industrial products from Poland in its home and foreign market. A table depicting Eastern Europe's industrialization level vs. economic slowdown is presented.

SUMMARY The effects of industrialization on exports of primary-producing countries. In the period from pre-war to 1955, the volume of exports from the "semi-industrial" countries (i. e. the industrializing group of primary-producing countries) failed to rise, whereas exports from the "non-industrial" countries (i. e. all other primaryproducing countries outside Western Europe, North America and the Soviet bloc) rose by about 60% in volume. There are two schools of thought about the main causes of this lag in exports from the semi-industrial countries. The first school places emphasis on the defciency of demand by the industrial countries for the products of the semi-industrial countries; the second emphasises a deficiency of supply of exports resulting from the process of industrialization in the producing areas. Recent annual reports of GATT have presented statistical comparisons of the exports of the semi-industrial and the non-industrial countries which appear to support the supply-deficiency argument. The GATT analysis, however, suffers from two deficiences. First, it makes inadequate allowance for variations in world demand for particular commodities; second, it makes no allowance for the influence of relative price changes on the exports of particular countries. The present article attempts to build on the GATT analysis by extending it to include these two additional factors. A special index of world demand is constructed for the exports of each of the semi-industrialized countries, based on the movement in world trade of individual commodities and using the commodity-pattern of exports from each country as weights. Further, an index of export unit values of world trade in the commodity "bundle" of exports from each country is computed and related to the actual export unit value index of each country. Regressions of export volume on the indices of world demand and relative prices show a close correspondence between exports from a given country and the relevant world demand changes (as represented by world trade). The mean co-efficient for the relative price variable is -1.7, but the standard error is high (±0.9). The inclusion of a dummy variable to indicate the presence or absence of sheltered market yielded no significant result, but this was probably because the variable used is a very imperfect indicator of the degree of shelter enjoyed. The inclusion of industrial growth in the regressions indicated that if there is any significant relation between industrialization and exports it is a positive, and not a negative, one. A more detailed commodity analysis shows that the export experience of the non-industrial countries was in total much the same as that of the semi-industrial countries, if the comparison is limited to directly competitive commodities. Finally, it is shown that there is a positive association between industrial growth and the 'capacity to import'. The implications of the analysis are (I) that industrialization per se in the period covered did not have a retarding effect on the exports of the semi-industrial countries as a whole; (2) the retardation in their exports was due essentially to the slower rate of growth in demand for their "bundle" of commodity exports than for those of the non-industrial countries; and (3) that the pace of industrialization has itself been heavily dependent on the progress of exports. These generalizations appear to fit most closely the views of the "demand-deficiency" school mentioned above. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Japan has undergone tremendous economic and social changes. The prodigious economic growth of the 1960's has lifted Japan to third place among highly industrialized countries in terms of its gross national product. Technological innovations in industrial processes and production which have contributed to this economic development have become so widespread as to include even the process of management, and the introduction of various modern managerial techniques is making Japan into a computerized managerial society. According to the 1965 census, about 70 per cent of the total population of 98 million lives in cities, and 45 out of every 100 persons are concentrated in greater Tokyo, Japan, whose population increased by 5.5 million between 1955 and 1965. Urbanization at this speed and on such a scale has brought with it, in both urban and rural areas, many serious problems which lead to changes in the traditional outlook and customs, and, above all, in social and cultural values. The rise of new generations, the popularization of higher education, widespread ownership of television sets, etc., have contributed to these changes.

Levels of economic development are characterized by differences in kind and complexity of economic organizations and productive units. Even similar basic needs are nut in varying ways, according to the available resources. Class stratification and socio-psychological action patterns form strategic variables linked to development levels. Underdeveloped countries typically display sharp social polarities, steep ranking, low mobility, a disregard for economic performance as status-conferring. Ascription-achievement and diffusion-specificity are key dichotomies. The effect of specificity on productivity reflects back on stratification, while achievement-orientation makes individual mobility across groups possible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The impact of rapid development on social structure and patterns of mobility must be explored. Yet, there is little relationship between mobility patterns and development. Recent findings show a considerable similarity of career aspirations in very divergent settings. Status concomitants linked to education may vary with the proportion and absolute size of the educated population. Educational attainments should also increase the amount of high achievement orientation. Downward mobility is a feature of emerging industrialization, but little is yet known about its effects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the branches of economic theory and development economics. The proliferation and sub-division of development economics is most dramatically shown by the many periodicals which devote themselves entirely to some particular aspect of the subject, such as development finance, development agriculture and so on. Such an economist should try to acquire a good working knowledge at least, of the broad economic dimensions and the basic features of the situation, in a wide range of underdeveloped countries. His aim should be to try to apply the existing economic theory in a more realistic and fruitful way to suit the varying conditions of the different types of underdeveloped country. An equally important part of his job would be to try to prevent serious misapplications of economic theory, whether of the orthodox type or the newer modern theories, to the underdeveloped countries. The alternative view which pervades thinking at present is that the advanced countries should take the responsibility of guaranteeing a politically-acceptable target rate of economic growth for all underdeveloped countries and, if this cannot be achieved by the latter countries' own efforts, the advanced countries should be prepared not only to increase the total volume of aid but also to increase the planning and supervision of the use of this aid so that the peoples of underdeveloped countries may enjoy economic development in spite of themselves. Obviously the underdeveloped countries cannot insist on freedom to use aid in any way they like and at the same time insist that the advanced countries guarantee a minimum target rate of economic growth for them all. Ultimately they will have to choose the one or the other.