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Describes the role of the foreign language teacher in national reconstruction. Public views toward the foreign language profession; Description of the relationship of the culture of the U.S. with European cultures; Effect of World War I on the U.S.

The article compares the three farm organizations in the U.S. in an effort to move toward a more objective characterization of the organization's value orientations. Rural sociologists generally regard the Farmer's Educational and Cooperative Union of America, generally known as Farmer's Union, as more liberal that the Grange, official name "The Patrons of Husbandry", or the American Farm Bureau. The author extracted policy statements from resolutions adopted by the national conventions of the three organizations during the period, December 1950-March 1952 and had them ranked by judges, without identification as to organization. The judges ranked the statements on nationalism-patriotism, achievement and success, humanitarian mores,and freedom. A count of the number of "most conservative," "least conservative," and "neutral" judgments received by each organization showed a high degree of consensus by the judges that the Farmers' Union is the least conservative. The Farm Bureau was judged more conservative than the Grange.

The article presents information on a bulletin, "A Community Looks at Itself: A Method of Self-Study for Small Communities As Developed at Weeping Water." This bulletin is the outgrowth of Nebraska's participation in the Mid-Century White House Conference on Children and Youth and is itself an expression of the interstimulation of national, state, and local group thinking. The immediate circumstance leading to the preparation of the bulletin was the widespread expression of a need for materials which would aid in developing ways and means to carry out programs for improvement of conditions for youth and children in local communities. This expression of need came to the Nebraska Council on Children and Youth from all parts of the state. The Council asked the cooperation of specialists from the University of Nebraska Graduate School of Social Work in developing a self-appraisal device which could be used by Nebraska communities desiring to analyze their services to children and youth.

We live in an age of "liberation" or at least of liberation movements. On the international scene we have become familiar with national liberation movements of all sorts; and domestically, the black liberation, women's liberation, and a number of radical peoples' liberation movements are well known. The liberation of the federal employee has been the result of changes in at least three broad overlapping areas which are more analytically than practically distinct. The first of these concerns the law. There have been many legal changes in recent years affecting the status of public employees generally, but none has surpassed in importance the development of a new constitutional doctrine. Another legal change of importance has involved equal employment opportunity. In this regard the relative liberation of the federal employee is directly related to the black and women's liberation movements, and, in fact, has been a significant aspect of them. A second area of liberation has involved political efforts. These are continuing and may become more important in the future. The third area of liberation has been a partial result of the first two and has been confined to federal employees themselves. It concerns a marked attitudinal change.

The article reports on Puerto Rico, island in the West Indies which, with small nearby islands, constitutes a commonwealth associated with the U.S. Some 650 persons a square mile make Puerto Rico crowded, and its 3,400 square miles make it the smallest of the Greater Antilles. The other three are Jamaica, Hispaniola and Cuba, with area square mileages of 4,400, 30,000, and 44,200. To the island come Peace Corpsmen for training to serve in Latin America, officials of former colonies to hear of Operation Bootstrap, Caribbean unionists for brief courses, and in the winter Mainland policy makers who depart with warm sentiments. With poor soil and a serrate-dentate terrain, a sea that owing to great depth supplies few fish, hurricanes, and minerals and forests of commercial insignificance, Puerto Rico has a more narrow resource base than did Ireland during the potato famine. Meager resources keep it from being a developmental model. A British Commonwealth nation is a sovereign State. The Commonwealth of Puerto Rico is not. Stressing nationalism, most sovereign nations have serious misgivings about a non-independent area being a first-rate developmental model.

The article reports on nationalism in United States. There are scores of new States in Asia and Africa that are trying to set up free societies. It is a "new birth of freedom" on a grand scale. It is in fact freedom's greatest test, for it involves the older free regimes of Europe and the United States. If truth counts over charity, then one must point out that the new States will fail, if not all, then all but a few. Some are already succumbing to the initial perils of liberty that the last paper of the Federalist warned Americans against: "anarchy, civil war, a perpetual alienation of the States from each other, and perhaps the military despotism of a victorious demagogue." The real wonder is in believing that national unity could ever arise in freedom among the many units that nowadays arrogate to themselves the name of nation. They are nations only to the map maker. Many are areas marked off only for colonial administrative convenience; some have dozens, even hundreds, of languages, several antagonistic religions; a still uncounted welter of tribes living in mutual ignorance or traditional war; and above all there stands the great gulf between the village primitive and the urban modern.

The article discusses the future of American liberalism. The future of American liberalism has long concerned not merely the modern professional intellectuals who have thought themselves responsible for it, but numerous people beyond them who have feared for what they interpret to be their liberties. The author of a valuable thesis, The Idea of Progress in America, 1815-1860 (1944), concluded that the idea "was the most popular American philosophy, thoroughly congenial to the ideas and interests of the age." He has undertaken to define liberalism "rigidly," as containing the essence of individualism; and by that measure can find no important deviation from a road of events which, from colonial times to the present, runs downward and away from liberalism, through capitalism (both liberal and monopoly) and through two world wars to the garrison and police states. The book "The Decline of American Liberalism" professes a certain impersonality. It concedes that there may have been a rise in democracy, and that there may well be worthy, or, at least, defensible, values in other non-liberal aims and accomplishments which author finds in progressivism, socialism, and nationalism.

This article explores the motive of the U.S. behind its policy of assistance to underdeveloped areas of the world commonly known as Point Four. There is no intent here to belittle the altruistic or humanitarian motives that have prompted the American people to support aid to less fortunate peoples in other parts of the world through both private and governmental channels, but it would be strange indeed were Congress to support a program not deemed contributory to the national interest and power of the U.S. Self-preservation is a high-priority goal of national states. It is therefore not astonishing to discover that most of the Congressional debate concerning the Act for International Development centered bee fore its passage on its merits and demerits as an effective means for fighting Communism and that the press, both here and abroad, interpreted Point Four as a new weapon in the worldwide power conflict. Conceivably Point Four might also be considered successful if it did not stimulate the growth of the retarded economies appreciably, provided that the attempt to give economic impetus to the backward areas created a more favorable attitude on the part of their governments and their peoples toward the U.S. than otherwise would have prevailed.

The article profiles the U.S. President George Washington. Washington stands alone in American history for his service as a soldier and for his strength in guiding the U.S. government as a president. He shows great composure in handling the country's problems at hand. When he became president he faced the same problems in the field of politics that he had in the battle field. Because of his nationalism and love for his country, Washington turned his back from a life of leisure to fight for the freedom of America.

The article profiles the U.S. President Abraham Lincoln. When he won the presidency in March 4, 1861, his first inaugural address was a plea for the preservation of the Federal Union. His rise to fame came when the nation was caught in a reaction which might have lead to degeneration and depravity, and disunity. Because of Lincoln's devotion to a noble idea, he saved the country from the terrible peril of the country's own doing.

The article presents a speech by U.S. President Herbert Hoover. delivered at the Republican National Convention on July 25, 1960. He discussed the problems facing the country from overseas. However, in his speech, President Hoover did not comment on the problems and statements poured upon the Americans. Rather, he spoke of the spiritual force and the nationalism which has been impaired by cynicism and weakened by foreign infections.

The article presents the author's opinions regarding the key issues for various international managements. According to the article author, there are many critical problems for international managements. The powerful emotion of nationalism has been offset in large part by substantial dependence in the less developed countries upon the U.S. capital and know-how. But dependence on the latter is declining and there is a pressing need for policies which will make the U.S. operations welcome when the need for the U.S. capital and know-how has largely passed. The answer lies in policies that satisfy the major aspirations in the host countries: the quest of individuals for personal advancement, the urge of the individual with entrepreneurial instincts to realize them in developing a business venture, the desire of financial circles to share in the returns of industrial operations and the concern of governments for economic progress. The forces of economics and politics are set against the current heavy reliance on the U.S. executives in key overseas assignments in most companies. A sensible management must prepare for the day when the senior positions in one country after another will be entrusted to local executives.