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This article discusses the educational sociology of sociologist Émile Durkheim. It is the purpose of this paper to outline some ideas of Durkheim on education and to show how they are closely linked with his sociological thought. It can be no more than an introduction to a subject upon which the writer is preparing a more substantial work. None of the educational writings of Durkheim has yet been published in England. In fact most of them were only published posthumously in France. Some notes on the most important of them are given at the end of this paper. The majority of them were prepared in the form of lectures and are listed in order of the dates on which the course was first given and not according to the date of publication which is separately recorded. There are many lectures still existing in manuscript form. It was thought best to give quotations in the following pages in English and the translations are those of the writer except where otherwise noted as coming from existing translations. Moreover, this paper will conclude with a brief outline of four major functions of educational sociology which are based on practical principles in line with Durkheim's methodology. These functions are the determination of the present social facts of education and their sociological function, determination of the relation of education to social and cultural change, comparative sociology of education and the study of the school itself as a social group and in relation to other social groups.

This article compares the efficiency of the coal-fired steam-generated electricity in Great Britain, the U.S. and France in 1970. The authors selected this industry for close examination because it had experienced rapid technological progress, its output is homogeneous and the data available are comparatively good. They found that the average level and rate of growth of fuel productivity in Great Britain industry were less than in France and in the U.S. The authors were careful to state, however, that technological backwardness was not the only interpretation of this result. They were aware that partial productivity measures could be very misleading because the contribution of other inputs, particularly capital, is ignored. Furthermore, this paper shows that the percentage increase in output in Great Britain from 1949-63 was higher than that in France and in the U.S., while the percentage increase in capital, measured by generating capacity, was much lower than in France or the US. This difference could be interpreted as implying that the productivity of capital in Great Britain industry was rising relatively to that in France and in the U.S. and thus that the industry in Great Britain was technologically forward. However, there are other interpretations, because capital productivity is also a partial measure of productivity. Thus, this paper suggests that there is a need a measure of productivity which reflects the simultaneous influence of all inputs and output and a production function provides such a measure. This article also estimates production functions for this industry.

The article presents information on features of Bank of France policy. One of the purposes in forming the Bank of France in 1800 was to make credit generally available at low rates of interest. The Bank admitted that it rationed credit in periods of tight money but it insisted that despite accusations to the contrary, that it administered rationing impartially. The rate of 5 per cent, established in the fall of 1814, was continued until June 1, 1819, for one-month paper and until February 1, 1820, for longer paper. Periodically the suggestion was made in the Bank parlors that the discount rate be changed, but the Bank officials developed a theory to justify a stable rate. After many months of discussions on whether to reduce the Bank rate, a rise in the market rate settled the issue and according to Bank officials demonstrated the wisdom of long deliberations. It was suggested that a reduction of the Bank rate would attract more and better bills and would be advantageous to the stockholders as well as to the public.

The article presents information on the proceedings of the International Scientific Commission on the Family's second international seminar that was held in Rennes, France during April 10-13, 1969. The central theme was "The Images and Counter-Images of Young Families." Participants who presented their papers during the seminar included: Clio Presvelou, John Mogey and Bernard Farber.

The life in Breton villages (in France) is generally regarded as based on a traditionally primitive economy, and representing the age-old social forms. In this paper an attempt has been made to show, by a statistical study of two villages, that not only the size and the composition of the family, as a social unit, are influenced by the economic structure of the society (which, as shown in a preceeding study of the economic structure of the two villages, does not indicate a homogeneous peasant economy), but also the nature and the extent of the dependance of the family upon the economic structure are profoundly affected by the degree of social division of labour and the type of exploitation of the land, the primary means of production, in the different areas concerned. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper an attempt has been made to show that the economic structure of a society can be determined directly by taking account of its defined properties (that is, the economic structure reflects the way in which the means of production are owned and the social relations between men which result from their connection with the process of production), instead of selecting the most differentiating form to represent the economic structure from an indirect process of examining several socio-economic groupings recognized in a society. To study only the internal variations of a society, by keeping the external factors at a fairly constant level, the data for this study were collected from one socio-economically homogeneous area but with the two villages representing the two main variations of the state of the productive forces within the area. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents some empirical evidence, for Belgium, the Netherlands and France, on the so-called 'administrative inflation' hypothesis. The hypothesis might be defined as saying that price increases are higher in more concentrated industries, given positive changes in demand and costs. Empirically speaking, it implies that, for a cross-section of industries, wholesale-price changes are a positive function of concentration ratios, for given increases in demand and unit costs. Although any relevant evidence would be an interesting contribution to the present discussion about the Common Market's antitrust policy, the hypothesis has never been confronted-to my knowledge-with data from European Economic Community (E.E.C.) countries. The evidence presented in this paper is limited to the 1958-65 period, because of the difficulty in collecting comparable data form earlier years. As we were more familiar with Belgian data, Belgium was selected as a test case to detetmine the most appropriate empirical specification of the hypothesis. A few changes in Weiss's approach proved to be beneficial and are discussed in section it together with the data and results obtained for Belgium. In section III, results for the Netherlands are compared with the Belgian evidence on the basis of an analysis of covariance. Section IV introduces France while the last section draws some conclusions as to the validity of the hypothesis in a European framework.

The article reports on the 13th Seminar on Family Research and its focus on the family life cycle as a social system. The conference, organized by the International Sociological Association's Committee on Family Research and the Centre d'Ethnologie Francaise, was held in Paris, France in September 1973. Four themes prevailed: changes in family cycle in Europe since the 18th century, social stratification and urban-rural differences, family life cycle theory, and research methods in social science.

This paper examines the changing attitudes the Army's role in French society. The armed forces, whose existence protects the integrity, ensures the prestige and serves the ends of a civil society, can be seen as a mere instrument, or as an emanation of this society. The former approach characterized pre-revolutionary Europe, in which all dynasties recruited mercenary troops whilst relying on the nobility's tradition of service to the sovereign and quest for military glory to provide the cadres of their armies. The second was exemplified under the Revolution by the nation-in-arms endeavoring to repel the onslaught of a European coalition. To a new kind of warfare, directed against the principles on which the organization of the civil society rested, corresponded a new kind of army. Since it was no longer separated from the community, it was bound to reflect the divisions existing therein and to become involved in internal political upheavals. Even when military intervention in the political sphere was ordered or prompted by the government of the country, as was repeatedly the case in the last years of the revolutionary period, it created a dangerous precedent. The republican ideal of a national army resulted in making the army responsible for the fate of the State, even though it did not seek this responsibility. Therefore one of the contradictions latent in this ideal led to bonapartism, a name given to political theory popularized by Napoleon Bonaparte, of solving political dilemmas by the use of force and to entrust power to a military leader.

The article presents a comparative study of the development and influence of large urban populations on social structure and politics in Birmingham, England and Lyons, France. Birmingham and Lyons were two of the most important towns in Europe in the period between the end of the Napoleonic Wars and the Revolutions of 1848. Before discussing the obvious differences, it is important to stress three points which the towns had in common: Neither town was distinguished by big enterprises. The second point that the towns had in common has been less frequently-stressed. The workers in Birmingham and Lyons were relatively well off--when in employments-compared with workers in other parts of England and France. The voice of the Birmingham and Lyons working classes was more than the voice of hunger. It was frequently, however, the voice of unemployment. The important difference between the social structure of Birmingham and Lyons should be stressed. While the social structure of Birmingham made for middle-class cooperation with the working clashes, the social structure of Lyons made for social antagonism and conflict. While the tendency in Birmingham was to try to build up political organizations based on cooperation between the classes, the tendency in Lyons was for fabricants, chefs d'ateliers and compagnons to meet and organize separately.

Presents a study on Haltica Carduorum Guerin beetle imported from France and released in Great Britain as a contribution to biological control of creeping thistle. Importance of creeping thistle in marginal grazing areas; Attempts to exclude alien insects potentially damaging to crops from the area; Potential value of Haltica Carduorum as a biological control agent.

The article presents information about several papers which deal with the history of economic thought during the period 1500-1800, that appeared in different journals. The study by Louis Dermigny on the price of wine in eighteenth-century Languedoc, though micro-economic, is important for the study of the general economic situation. This price experienced only an intercyclical crisis while the crisis in the textile industry was much more profound and long lasting. In the field of the economy as a whole, French authors have written little about France. The study by Baron Chaurand on money in eighteenth-century Grenoble deserves mention. Andre Plaisse's study of the trade of the port of Brest at the end of the sixteenth century shows the essential role of salt, wine, linen and cloth. Claude Nordmann in her article shows that Sweden did not altogether profit from the reign of copper, of which she was the dominant producer. However, her prices remained a little apart from the general decline in the seventeenth century.

As noted earlier, the purpose of this study is to analyze the market model with respect to a large foreign stock market sample, to comment upon our findings and, when possible, analyze comparative results with U.S. studies. This necessitated the establishment and refinement of a major data base for French securities. This data base consisting of several hundred common stocks and also numerous industry indices is now available for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on a study that measured the investment performance of French mutual funds, as examples of internationally diversified portfolios. The article examines the differences between French mutual funds, or SICAV, and mutual funds found in the United States. One of the differences between the two is that SICAV hold both domestic and foreign securities, with the largest foreign positions in stocks and bonds listed on the New York Stock Exchange. Another difference is that most SICAVs have been established, marketed and managed by French banks, which is a practice not allowed under U.S. law.

The article focuses on variable return bonds. Particular attention is given to how this relates to French investors. A variable return bond offers the buyer a minimum interest return and a par redemption value. In addition, either the interest or the redemption value or both may be made greater by some agreed reference index. The variability of return can function only in the upward direction. The article discusses is the development of variable return bonds in France, private issues of variable-return bonds, and characteristics of variable-return bonds.

The article presents a study on the changes of soil and vegetation values of chalk grassland relative to two climosequences which include a comparison between East Riding, north Dorset, Cambridge, and the Rouen area of France as well as the comparison between the Eiffel and Sauerland, west and east of Rhine Bonn. The study presents climatic data that suggests humidity as the most important independent variable in these two climosequences. Moreover, the study determines six changes in soil values that include the decrease of potential of hydrogen (pH), decrease of total carbonates, decrease of exchangeable potassium , increase of organic carbon, increase of exchangeable phosphate and increase of exchangeable calcium.

The article looks into the patterns of intertidal zonation for a series of rocky shores on the Atlantic coast, ranging from Brittany to the Basque in France. The River Gironde localities include the Littorina, Balanoid and Laminarian zones. The Basque coast is divided into four zones including the Littorina, Balanoid, Corallina, and Cystoseira zones. The 'critical levels' concept is examined and is shown to be applicable to the Breton and Basque coasts. M.S. Doty's tide factor hypothesis is explored in relation to the vertical distribution of littoral organisms of St. Jean-de-Luz. The study considers that while tidal action does not produce zonation, it may account for the appearance of 'critical levels' on the shore through the action of 'tide factors' at certain levels.

The author reflects on the disjointed distribution of some relict species in Bas-Languedoc, which is caused by historical nature and the changes in climate. She said that in studying the flora of the south of France, the number of genera increases during the Oligocene, including the Glyptostrobus, Zelkowa, Sequoia. It is said taht during the Tertiary period, thermophile species have disappeared from the flora of Europe.

Discusses the attempts of the French government to introduce a systematic preclusive purchase policy as an auxiliary blockade tactic during World War I. Effect of the competition with Germany in neutral markets on the price of goods; Overview of a systematic preclusive purchase policy as a auxiliary blockade tactic present in microcosm; French blockade strategy toward native neutral goods.

This article focuses on the impact of the adoption of the franc Poincaré in June 1929 and the abandonment of the gold standard by the French government in September 1936 on the economy of the country. It covers an entire trade cycle from the peak of prosperity through a deep and protracted depression to the early signs of recovery. It offers a striking contrast with the response to the world economic depression of other countries, most of which began their recovery from 1933 or 1934. It witnessed perhaps the last sustained attempt to impose deflation as the remedy for depression. It broke a secular trend of steady and sustained growth in the French economy, which extended back to the late nineteenth century and had been resumed after the interruption brought about by the 1914-18 war. It initiated a phase of stagnation from which the economy did not really revive until the 1950's. The main question, which is raised by the peculiarities of the French response to the trends of the 1930's, is whether they are to be explained mainly as a consequence of mistaken policies or reflect structural weaknesses, which have their roots in the previous century or even earlier. The economist is perhaps tempted to adopt the former position, which would amount to saying that if only the right exchange value for the franc had been found French recovery would have been at least as rapid as that of similar countries.

The article focuses on the merchant guilds in Paris, France in the 16th century. Guild history has never been a favorite subject of French historians. For the Middle Ages, there has been a good deal of interest in, and controversy over, the origins of guilds. And an abundance of readily available documentary material for the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries has permitted students of this period to make up in the quantity of the information they presented for what their work lacked in quality. But for the period between the early Middle Ages and the seventeenth century one cannot say even this. Historians have tended either to lump together the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries or, if they did deal with the sixteenth century by itself, to generalize so airily about the attributes of different guilds that it was impossible to conclude anything useful about any of them. This study of the grocers of sixteenth-century Paris was undertaken in the belief that meaningful guild history must begin with the analysis in depth of individual guilds at one time and in one place.

This article focuses on the collapse of the financial administration of the French monarchy during 1653-61. The story of that collapse is highly instructive, for it enlarges the understanding of the significance of King of France, Louis XIV's assertion of his authority in 1661. In the financial field, the last years of Jules Mazarin, a cardinal, had been a disaster. While the young king owed much to his mentor in terms of political education, the cardinal's legacy to him included a financial system whose basic principle seemed to be the maintenance of royal bankruptcy by bands of disreputable speculators and contractors. The vulnerability of the central financial system to the attacks of such men is not immediately apparent. When the complexity and confusion of local institutions under the Ancien Regime is considered, the structure of the bodies at the center of financial administration seems simple and efficient, reflecting the success of the long centralizing revolution, which had been going on since the fifteenth century.

This article examines the important role played by French physiocrat DuPont de Nemours in the making of the Anglo-French commercial treaty of 1786. Because of the misconceptions concerning Absolute Monarchy there is a tendency to overlook the significant role advisers played in Old Regime policymaking. Yet it is clear that the monarch, although theoretically "absolute," rarely made decisions alone. DuPont's position in the decision-making complex of Old-Regime France makes an interesting chapter in Old-Regime history, for he was a crude prototype of the modern adviser on economic affairs found today in the policymaking councils of every major state in the world. When DuPont became Inspector-General of Commerce in 1775, he did not hold any other official position in France. A little more than two weeks after the departure French economist and statesman, Anne Robert Jacques Turgot from the government, DuPont wrote to the Comte de Vergennes offering his services as a secret agent to the American colonies then in rebellion against their king. He could go to America, he suggested, ostensibly seeking asylum following the disgrace of his protector, but he would in fact act as Vergennes' undercover agent.

This article discusses the place of the Company of the Griffarins, a workers' coalition of the printers' journeymen of Lyons, France, in the history of the labor movement. The printing industry in Lyons was dominated by the great merchant-publishers, who financed the printing of books without owning a shop or presses, and who then marketed the books throughout Europe. The Company of the Griffarins was compared to the highly developed French compagnonnages of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Finally, the development of trade unions in the English printing industry was compared to the French printing industry.

From research conducted with 550 French urban families, interviewed according to a random sample, some data concerning the husband's authority and marital satisfaction of the woman are presented here. The comparison of these data with the data collected in 1955 by Robert Blood and Donald Wolfe among 909 American families in Detroit shows that the trend of husband's authority is the same in France and in the United States, according to the respective resources of each spouse. Marital satisfaction of the woman follows the same trend here and there with marital interaction but differs with the husband's income. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the course of a meeting held in Paris on December 16, 1963, the Board of Directors of the International Union of Family Organization (IUFO) decided to constitute a Scientific Commission for the study of the family. The proposal was made by the President of the IUFO and most enthusiastically supported by all members of the Board. What are the goals of this new commission? What functions is it going to perform? What specific role is it going to play inside the UIFO and among the many institutions, organizations, and movements which are concerned with a better knowledge of the family and a sound development of family life? The future will tell us better than anything we could affirm at this time. However it may be useful to consider some of the facts which are giving meaning to this initiative and which are giving meaning to this initiative and which could favor the success of the Commission. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Professor C. Levi-Strauss has written of an effort to revive the great French sociological tradition running from Montesquieu to Durkheim as a result of appreciation of and interest in it abroad. The question of the existence of a French tradition or school of anthropology arises at this point. The internationally recognized existence of a British school of social anthropology forgets that the existence of a school in a particular country or city is not an inevitable part of the life of an academic discipline. French academic life is still to a large extent ruled by the old tripartite division between the Facultés de lettres, de droit and de sciences. Broadly speaking, sociology and psychology depend on lettres, economics and political science on droit and anthropology on lettres and sciences. Ethnology, the history of races and societies, has been the predominating discipline in French anthropology and the term ethnologie is still used today for anthropology as a whole though the terms anthropologie culturelle and anthropologie sociale are gradually coming into general usage.

The article focuses on the study of the mass voting behavior in France, discussed at the Conference of the British Sociological Association in 1955. In the Fourth Republic the proportion of citizens who vote is four-fifths. Abstentions are about 20 per cent: these are frequent in the municipal elections than in the general elections. Reasons for abstentions are: unavoidable (illness, travel, etc.); local, i.e. distance, bad roads, etc.; and political, that is to say, motivation or absence of motivation for voting, which may depend on circumstances and varies with the political situation. A second factor in voting behavior is loyalty, that is to say, voting again for a party previously supported. There is also information about the influence of factors such as age, residence, occupation and level of education. The tendency to abstain decreases with maturity, but is high in old age. Political preferences and religious observance are associated in France. Another factor in voting behavior is the socio-economic level. On the whole, women conform to the masculine pattern of voting. On the other hand, the socio-economic factor combines with the occupational factor to reinforce its effects. Public opinion polls not only reveal objective factors operating in voting behavior; they also enable in some measure to pin-point the motivation of voters and their own interpretation of their role.

This article focuses on the economic history of France. Some years before the great upheaval of 1789, the economy of France began to undergo a less precipitous revolution of its own. From the middle of the eighteenth century there were unmistakable indications of economic changes having begun in the kingdom, a part of the general Industrial Revolution that was to transform Western Europe. Since they have long been subject to thorough investigation and discussion, these changes are well known. The careers of individuals who actively participated in the developments of the period are less well known, yet attention to such careers can be extremely useful in giving life and substance to economic changes and the ideas behind them. Investigation of this soft is especially valid in the case of a career like that of Jean-Marie Roland de la Platière, who was actively and continuously concerned with the French economy for most of the second half of the eighteenth century. The inspectorate apprenticed and in logical place for a support, to find his of manufactures, to which Roland was now formally whose service he spent thirty-eight years, was the newcomer to the world of business, without financial vocation.

The article focuses on the strike by coal miners and glass workers in France in 1892 and 1895, respectively. It was more than simply geographic coincidence which linked these two events together. They were both political strikes, struggles by the workers to maintain their rights of suffrage and political organization. Universal suffrage was a fine dream for the French bourgeoisie when it seemed remote, but it was a disturbing nightmare when it became a reality. The author remarks that it was more obvious in the history of France than elsewhere that economic power frequently follows, rather than precedes, political influence. One of the grounds of concern was the extensive growth of labor organization that marked the French industrial centers after 1884. On the surface, the labor unrest had an economic cause and the strike movement an economic objective. To the success of socialism in France ties with the urban working class were crucial, it was a movement whose strength has always had to be reckoned in terms of significant numbers, not influential backers. As for the workers themselves, the strikes were a great testing ground for the defense of political rights and the emergence of important defenders.

The article focuses on literature related to Entente Cordiale, the treaty between Great Britain and France containing secret articles. The popular stories about the reigns from that of Queen Anne, the final Stuart monarch of Scotland, to the period when queen of Great Britain & Ireland, Alexandrina Victoria ascended the throne scarcely serve to elucidate the reasons for the many frictions that drove the countries to war. The highly colored portraits of Edward VII, as Prince and King, found in "The Tragedy of Edward VII," were in need of some cleaning and revarnishing. The book, "Memories," written by Admiral John Fisher, the First Sea Lord throws a searchlight upon the king of Great Britain, Edward VII and his political achievements, which reveals a buccaneering spirit that is quite different from the peacemaking virtue Edward attributes to his subject. There was a secret military treaty, made in 1892 between France and Soviet Union, in which it was laid down that mobilization of the two countries was a declaration of war against Germany.

The article discusses the national product and structural change in the French economy. During the last two decades national income and social accounting has emerged as a meaningful tool of economic analysis and an instrumentality for the formulation of public policy. After World War II nearly all of the nations of western Europe resorted to social accounting to some extent, a development which resulted in a wealth of empirical data, and provided, as well, valuable theoretical insights into the basic problems of national income analysis. This is true of France. In conjunction with the endeavor to rehabilitate the economy through the modernization and equipment plan (i.e. the "Monnet Plan"), a vigorous effort was made to develop an adequate system of national accounts. Now, the stress placed upon national accounting is such that the annual "economic budget" is one of the key instruments for economic planning, and ranks in importance with the fiscal budget among the documents a government presents to the National Assembly.

This article focuses on the enclosure movement in France. The blanket term "enclosures" may be interpreted as an individualistic movement of agrarian reform designed to adapt the feudal system of land tenure and cultivation to the changing needs of the capitalistic economy. Throughout France, there prevailed a general rule that subjected the domain as well as the tenants' land to common use by the animals of the whole village. This practice of pasture, together with the reciprocal right of way, were the crucial characteristics of French agriculture. In many cases, the lord was anxious to insure that village animals come to graze on his land on certain specified days; although as a rule, it was the lord who fought most tenaciously for the abolition of this ancient usage. Whenever the lord insisted on having the village herd on his land, it was usually with the aim of providing himself with a cheap manure. With the spread of more intensive cultivation, however, the number of such lords greatly diminished. Whenever the lords were in a position to do so, they asserted their right to enclose pasture land, while retaining the privilege of grazing their own animals on the land of the villagers.

The article focuses on the historical development of the land system in France, the basic division of power on the land between 1870 and 1914, the hierarchy of rural personnel, and the irregularity of rural social behavior. Since its great revolution in 1789 France has been praised and envied as Europe's classic home of the family farmer, that independent, landholding peasant whose stake in the soil has made him the bulwark of private property and conservative politics. France is a fertile country of varied produce. Each of her seven topographical regions yields important and abundant products for the food and processing market. On the surface of things, therefore, the idea of a stable, contented peasantry in a balanced national economy has been supported by data on the high degree of ownership, the fertility of the countryside, and the impressive list of marketable staples. These statistics, however, do not explain the contrast between the familiar generalizations about the peasantry and certain vivid descriptions of oppressive rural living conditions. A striking contradiction, therefore, confronts the investigator of French farming, a gap between the pat theory and the spotted reality.

The article discusses of the economic outlook for French North Africa. With British and American help, French North Africa again can be come the important supplier of food it was before the Nazis stripped the country. Moroccoan and Algerian farms range from two or three to a score of acres. Estates owned by the native nobility are large, whether located on the Coast or inland. A well-tended, European-managed wheat farm in North Africa can produce as good a yield as American farms. Whether French North Africa can achieve maximum production this year and next depends on how effectively the United States and Great Britain can carry out their joint program of aid. That program has two parts. The first embraces food and clothing and other essential consumer goods. These are needed not only by those who are hungry and ragged; they are imperative as incentives to production and exchange in situation where the internal economy has broken down. The second part involves sending the means to get production going again--critically needed machinery repair parts, fuel, and concentrated fertilizers.