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This article presents a list of papers related to rural sociology. The list includes "A Typology of Singhalese Villages," by G.H.F. Welikala, "Social Structure and Local Initiative in Rural Thailand," by G. Kalshoven, "Legitimization of Directed Change in Pre-industrial Societies," by Ashghar Fathi, "Rural-Urban Migration and Town-Country Relationship in Israel," by A. Berler and Y. Ginsburg, "A Theoretical Model of Cumulative Disagiarization," by Vogislav Duric, "The Changing Patterns of Settlement and Population Distribution in Latin America," by Olen E. Leonard, "Mexican-American Migrant Farm Laborers and Their Employers in Ohio," by B. Perry Joseph and Eldon E. Snyder, "The Rural-Urban Transition in Brazil," by John V.D. Saunders, "The Impact of Industrialization on Geographic Mobility and Economic Decision-Making of a Rural Society in South Asia: A Case Study From Rourkela/Orissa, India," by K.H. Junghans and "A Research Design for the Understanding of Social Change From a Human Ecosystem Perspective."

The article presents discussion by various sociologists during the fourth working session of the First World Congress for Rural Sociology held in Dijon, France. Sociologist Antonio M. Arce from Costa Rica briefly commented on Pakistani sociologist A.M. Khan's paper entitled "Impact of changes in agriculture on political life in Asia". These comments refer to three different aspects of the paper and are expected to stimulate discussions from the audience. The paper tries to analyse the dynamic relationship between agricultural development efforts and political ferment in Asia and how this interdependence relates to the residues of Western colonialism and the emergence of Russian and Chinese communism. Another sociologist R. Bičanič from Yugoslavia discussed about the interference of politics in sociology. He also discussed the point dealing with the revival of rural sociology in socialist countries, particularly Poland, Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia. The rural exodus linked with accelerated industrialization has become so intense that agriculture is threatened with a depleted labour force, and this leads to a policy of income parity with industrial workers for agricultural producers also which may have wider political implications.

The article presents information on the North American conference on the social implications of industrialization and technological change. The conference, sponsored jointly by UNESCO, the United States and Canadian National Commissions for UNESCO, and the University of Chicago, was held in Chicago, Illinois from September 15 to 22, 1960. Twenty-four technical papers prepared and distributed in advance were discussed during the conference. In addition, a series of some twelve working papers surveying the research results for the major regions of the world on the topic of the conference were assembled and distributed to participants by the Research Office of the International Social Science Council. The various aspects of the social implications of industrialization were dealt with quite fully in the technical papers and at the several sessions of the conference. The discussion of the specific social implications of industrialization started with what some would regard as the fundamentals, the human motivation to make constructive innovations. The papers and discussions seem to warrant certain conclusions with regard to research strategies and procedures, on the one hand, and major gaps in reliable knowledge, on the other.

Pakistan offers a fascinating environment in which to study problems of industrialisation in low income countries. Manufacturing industry has grown very rapidly since independence in 1947; the expansion over the past decade has been well sustained. Yet the difficulties faced in the manufacturing sector have been great. Supplies of raw materials and capital equipment have often been uncertain. Technological skills have hardly existed for many branches of industry. Industrial and commercial enterprises have had to be created in a society which in the past placed no emphasis upon them. This paper attempts to analyse one major problem affecting the manufacturing sector in Pakistan, namely the extent of excess productive capacity in various industrial categories, and to assess the possibilities for remedying the problem. The early parts of the paper discuss the policy techniques applied to Pakistan's manufacturing industries as well as some general features of the economy. The available evidence on capacity use is presented. The latter sections represent an attempt to work out whether or not this excess capacity is mainly the result of weak administrative arrangments, shortages of foreign exchange, and a failure to equate overseas and domestic prices through a "realistic" exchange rate. The standard explanation in Pakistan has been in terms of the shortage of foreign exchange and the peculiarities of project aid and tied loans or grants. The study casts doubt on this interpretation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article presents various papers related to economic and industrial history, published in previous issues of different journals. In the paper "Overseas: Lending and Internal Fluctuations, 1870-1914," A.G. Ford discusses, within a theoretical framework, the mechanism of the transfer of resources overseas, and concludes that overseas lending itself largely generated the requisite balance of payments surplus on current account, by damping down home consumption and hence imports, and by stimulating exports. Rising overseas issues therefore meant rising unemployment and falling imports, and vice versa. H.W. Richardson has a go at the same field with the paper "Retardation in Britain's Industrial Growth, 1870-1913." He argues that the slowing down in the rate of growth was caused by an abnormally low rate of structural change within industry, because there was a dearth of new activities capable of taking over as leading sectors which could create whole new growth industries that could more than cancel out the stagnation of the old staples.

The following suggestion was inspired by the draft report of the Secretary-General of UNCTAD on 'Trade Expansion and Economic Integration among Developing Countries', and a paper prepared by Dr. Miguel S. Wionczek for the UN Symposium on Industrial Development in Africa (Cairo, January 1966), entitled 'The Experiences of the Central American Economic Integration Programme as Applied to East Africa. These papers lay considerable stress on the need to ensure that all participating countries share in the potential benefits of integration. But they also stress the need for a gradual approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

SUMMARY It is the purpose of the present paper to replace the traditional theory of industrial stages by a better model based on the criteria of capital and control. In constructing the new model we became aware of the fact it is necessary to distinguish between 'capital'-intensive and 'capital'-extensive industries and again within the latter between those which worked for local consumption and for the export trade, respectively. Only for the 'capital'-extensive industries working for the export trade something like stages in the industrial development can be discovered. In fact, the stage reached in these industries in the eighteenth century brought them organizationally close to the older 'capital'-intensive industries, so that for that period we subsume both under the head of protofactory. The protofactory of the model based on capital and control shows the essential characteristics of the factory, although in reality there were some elements distinguishing the protofactory from the full-fledged factory. In the second section of the paper we describe in detail the organizational features of the protofactory after clearing up the etymological confusion in that ZUSAMMENFASSUNG Der Beitrag zielt darauf ab, die traditionelle Theorie der industriellen Stufen durch ein auf den Kriterien ≪Kapital≫ und ≪KontroIle≫ basierendes, besseres Modell zu ersetzen. Beim Aufbau dieses neuen Modells zeigte sich die Notwendig-keit einer Unterscheidung zwischen kapitahntensiven und kapitalextensiven Industrien, welche letztere wiederum unterteilt werden mussen in solche, die fiir den einheimischen Verbrauch arbeiten, und solche, die fiir den Export produ-zieren. Nur fiir die im Export tatigen kapitalextensiven Industrien lasst sich so etwas wie Stadien der industriellen Entwicklung entdecken. In der Tat brachte das Stadium, welches diese Industrien im 18. Jahrhundert erreicht hatten, sie organisatorisch in enge Verbindung zu den alteren, kapitahntensiven Industrien, so dass fiir jene Periode beide unter dem Oberbegriff'Ur-Fabrik' (protofactory) zusammengefasst werden konnen. Das auf ≪Kapital≫ und ≪K.ontrolle≫ aufge-baute Modell der Urfabrik bringt wesentliche Merkmale der Fabrik zum Aus-druck, obwohl sich in Wirklichkeit die Urfabrik von der fliigge gewordenen Fabrik in einigen Punkten unterschied. Im zweiten Teil der Arbeit werden die organisatorischen Grundziige der Urfabrik im Detail beschrieben; zuvor wird die in diesem Bereich herrschende etymologische Verwirrung geklart. Abschliessend wird gezeigt, dass weder der im organisatorischen Aufbau der Industrie tatige Geschaftsmann noch der zeit-genossische Okonom erfasst hatten, was sich vor ihren Augen abspielte. Es brauchte Jahrzehnte, bis der Industrielle die Notwendigkeit regelmassiger Ab-schreibungen erkannte, und der klassische Okonom lehrte noch lange die inverse Korrelation zwischen Lohn und Profit und die Vcrschiebbarkeit des Kapitals von Industrie zu Industrie, nachdem diese beidenfiir das putting-out system typischen Wesensziige mit dem Erscheinen der Urfabrik verschwunden waren. RÉSUMÉ Cet article a pour but, de remplacer la théorie traditionelle des stades industriels par un modèle meilleur, basé sur les critères de capital et de contrǒ1e. En construisant ce nouveau modèle, nous nous rendons compte de la nécessité, de distinguer entre industries intensives en capital et celles extensives en capital et ces dernieres de nouveau, en celles qui travaillent pour la consommation interne, et celles qui produisent pour l'exportation. C'est uniquement pour les industries extensives en capital produisant pour l'exportation, qu'on peut d^couvrir des soi-disants stades du developpement industriels. En fait, le stade atteint dans ces industries au dix-huitieme siecle les amenait du point de vue de I'organisation en relation étroite avec les industries plus vieilles et intensives en capital, de facon a ce que pour cette periode, les deux pouvaient ětre résumés sous le terme de ≪protofabrique≫. La protofabrique du modele, basee sur le capital et le contrdle met en relief les principales caracteristiques de l'usine, malgre que la protofabrique se distingue en realite en beaucoup de points de l'usine evoluée. Dans la deuxieme partie de cet article, les elements organisateurs de la protofabrique sont decrits en detail, apres avoir eclairci les confusions etymologiques. Finalement l'auteur montre, que ni le commercant actif dans le developpement organisateur de l'industrie, ni l'economiste classique contemporain ont saisi ce qui se deroulait devant leurs yeux. II a fallu des dixaines d'annees jusqu'a ce que I'industriel reconnaisse Futility d'amortisations regulieres, et l'econome classique enseignait encore longtemps la correlation inverse entre le salaire et le profit et Pajustement du capital d'une industrie a l'autre, malgre que ces deux faits typiques par le 'putting-out system', avaient disparu avec l'apparition de la protofabrique. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article presents an announcement regarding the Twentieth Congress of the International Institute of Sociology to be held from September 12-18, 1962, at Corboda in Argentina. The decision to hold this international meeting was taken on account of the interest the Latin American countries present from the point of view of sociological studies. The bureau decided that the subjects should centre round a single theme, the "Sociology of Societies in the Process of Industrial Development," a subject designed to give all sociologists an opportunity to make their own contribution either to theoretical or to practical research. Virtually all aspects of sociology are covered, so that experts specializing in different branches can report on their own fields. Applications for enrollment should be made on the form attached to the information pamphlet and sent to the committee as soon as possible. Papers must deal with purely sociological subjects, and they must be not more than 20 pages in length, typewritten, with double spacing. Papers must be drafted in English, French, German, Italian or Spanish, and must have a summary in French attached with them.

This paper sets forth a general hypothesis that relates instrumental activities of the family to unilineal emphasis in intergenerational ties and reviews the findings of a variety of studies which can be accounted for by this general hypothesis. The hypothesis states that, where there is succession in male instrumental roles, solidarity will be greater between the nuclear family and the lineal relatives of men, and where there is no succession, solidarity will be greater with the wife's family. Since industrialization does away with male succession in instrumental roles, the hypothesis explains the predominance of matrilateral ties between generations in industrial societies. Findings are reviewed from studies of intergenerational solidarity in pre-industrial and industrial societies. The data on intergenerational solidarity include household sharing, residential proximity, interaction and ties of sentiment, and exchanges of help. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on some aspects of industrialization and the convergence of contemporary Japan. Thus, this paper examines some of the aspects of change in Japan since the end of the Pacific War, specifically; changes associated with the ways men are managed in the modern sector of the Japanese economy. More recently, some writers have developed the relationship between technology and change. Their examination of the problems of labor and management in economic growth is rooted in the relatively common effects of common technologies in all developing economies. They emerge with a "convergence hypothesis" which argues that almost everywhere the world is in the grip of industrialization. This study takes technology as central in industrialization. Japan remains the only nonwestern nation which can be said to be industrialized. The streets of Japan's major cities are almost as choked with motor traffic as any American city of comparable size. Television antennas obstruct and mar the beauty of Japanese architecture. Yet, by no means can it be said that Japan is a western nation since many vestiges of pre-industrial Japan are readily apparent. Japanese tend to view themselves and their institutions as unique, a view that appears to be shared by many western scholars.

The article comments on the paper "An Economic Theory of the Growth of the Western World," by professors Douglas C. North and Robert Paul Thomas. The paper is related to European economic growth. The theory proposed by North and Thomas relies heavily upon three components. The first is a model for cyclical fluctuations in the pre-industrial economic life of Europe. This model defines the relative changes in the cost of land and labor as changes in population alter the ratio between the two. It incorporates the relative elasticities which have been found in the supply and demand curves for foodstuffs as opposed to those for raw materials and industrial products. North and Thomas then elaborate this last observation into the second major element of their model, a "theory of institutional change." The shifts in factor proportions so heightened the possibilities of profit from production for the market that they exceeded the costs of the institutional innovations needed to change the organization of production and distribution of income. The result was the steady introduction of "secondary" institutional changes such as enclosures, joint-stock companies, government support of certain guilds, and regulation of quality.

SUMMARY Many of the central problems surrounding economic development require a broader analytic context than that provided by traditional Western economic theory. The value of the institutionalist tradition has been referred to with increasing frequency in this regard. The contributions and shortcomings of this tradition are well illustrated in V eblen's thought. The shortcomings, the principal subject of this paper, include (a) an inadequate treatment of economic motivation (b) a tendency to view the study of economic institutions as a substitute for, rather than a complement to, price theory (including the related disciplines of mathematical economics and econometrics) and (c) an inadequate exploration of the nature and significance of alternative institutions in their relation to economic development. In each of these respects the concepts and comparative analyses of M ax W eber provide valuable additions to both methodology and theory. Weber's legacy deserves the attention of all those who believe that (to paraphrase Whitehead) economics should be a survey of possibilities, not a quarrel among irritable professors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Kyklos is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Presents the estimates of final and intermediate commodity output derived from the manufacturing censuses in Canada. Rate of growth of the Canadian economy; Comparison of the process of industrialization in Canada and the U.S.; Examination on the growth and structure of the flows of commodity output.

This paper reviews the current state of knowledge about the effects of industrialization upon systems of social stratification. Taking societies as the unit of observation, we consider the relationships between level of industrialization and (I) the distribution of status characteristics in the population (the structure of stratification) ; (2) the pattern of interrelations among status characteristics (the process of stratification); and (3) the form of linkages between status characteristics and other aspects of social behavior (the consequences of stratification). A set of propositions is specified, a few of which are empirically well established but most of which yet require empirical testing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents information on various documents and publications of the United Nations and its specialized agencies, as of February 1, 1961. "International Conference on the Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy," is an index of more than 2,100 papers classified by subject and by author. "Report of International Law Commission Covering the Work of its 12th Session, 25 April- July 1, 1960," gives a draft article on consular intercourse and immunities and another relating to special missions. "Second Report on Consular Intercourse and Immunities," is a report, that deals with the question of the personal inviolability of consuls and of their exemption from penal jurisdiction, as well as with the application of the man favored nation clause in the matter of consular intercourse and immunities.

The International Social Science Council and the International Research Office on Social Implications of Technological Change held a round table conference, devoted to the social implications of technological change, as of August 1, 1958. According to the work programme, the discussion was centred on three aspects, i.e. changes occurring at the level of the firm, the family and the community. A historical and geographical comparison was also planned with the intention of demonstrating these differences between the industrialization process of the 19th and the early 20th century and the development to be observed today in new regions. Reports specially prepared by some participants provided the basis for discussion at each meeting. Most of these papers examined the problem of social change by means of an analysis of the situation in a particular country and the discussion was almost always directed to general situations which these national and regional analyses made it possible to identify.

Southern counties more than 50 miles from an SMSA experienced nonfarm job growth in the 1960's. Manufacturing jobs, especially in electrical equipment, transportation equipment, chemicals, and furniture industries shifted more toward nonmetro locations. Consequently, the Southern nonmetro industry mix was not solely of the lowest-wage and most labor-intensive components. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reports preliminary results of part of a research project dealing with prospective industrialization in New Guinea. One section of the project examines the prospects of manufacturing development through import replacement, and this is what we are concerned with here. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The development of industrialization results in the structural isolation of the nuclear family in the context of kinship system, which should conceptually be distinguished from the isolation of the family in the context of social system. However, the isolated nuclear family tends to fall into family anomie, one of whose symptomatic manifestations is the isolation of the family. In a structural sense, the family anomie must be solved in one way or another. In Japanese society, the Dozoku-like occupational system is supposed to contribute to prevent isolated nuclear families of the urban middle class from falling into family anomie. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In studying these two reports certain ambiguities or imprecisions in both the statements and the figures have become apparent. These ambiguities or imprecisions can be divided into two categories, internal or external. The first, the internal ones, relate to lack of Consistency and clarity in the reports themselves; the second, external to inadequacies in the statistical sources. Of these two categories of imprecisions the internal one is the main concern of this paper, for a comparative study of the two reports revealed among others the following areas of difficulty: unexplained change in the base figure for components; obscure comparison of the totals for Electronics; non-differentiation between a part and the whole of the valve and semi-conductor sector. From a general pragmatic point of view N.E.D.C. provides a quantitative statement against which actual changes in the industries can be assessed. N.E.D.C. also-provides a most valuable stimulus to industry by encouraging it to examine in a rational and coordinated way its present position and future prospects.

The search for uniformities in the growth patterns of individual industries rose to a peak some 30 years ago in the explorations of economists Simon S. Kuznets and in the subsequent comprehensive work of Arthur F. Burns. Partly because of the widespread acceptance of these results and attendant explanations of their inevitability, and partly because of the compelling attractions of other economic problems, little additional work was done in this area for an extended period. Recent portents of a revival of interest stem from three sources: the growing output of long-term forecasts for individual industries, which invites a search for generalizations and efforts to reinvigorate research and theory relating to economic growth by probing the behavior of disaggregated sectors. This paper will concentrate primarily on reviewing Burns's expectations and comparing them with actual results over the following 25 years as a basis for: suggesting revisions in the interpretation of his original findings; outlining needed modifications in the theory as well as the pattern of industrial growth paths; and exploring the possibility of developing patterned expectations for the growth of individual commodities and firms.

The article focuses on the preparations for economic growth in Japan. The author remarks that while the main outlines of Japanese economic development during the period since the Restoration are now rather firmly blocked out, current interest in comparative development during the pre-take-off period of the growth process makes it worthwhile to re-examine the previous era, the Japanese Tokugawa period. According to him the recognition of the preparatory role of Tokugawa is seldom perceived and certainly not stressed in previous studies. Some notion of the importance of Tokugawa glimmered in the literature for years. In this article the author seeks to move away from the ambivalent treatment of Tokugawa and to assemble some of the more important factors indicating the high economic levels attained by Japan in the Tokugawa period which prepared her for the take-off of 1868. He focuses on the covering materials on population, agriculture, production, institutional changes effecting savings and growth potentials, manufacturing and trade, both internal and external.

The article presents information on several books related to politics, industrialization and sociology. The book "A Soviet View of the American Past," is an annotated translation of the section on American history appearing in the Great Soviet Encyclopedia. The brochure "The Church and the Rural Development Program," outlines the opportunities open to pastors of rural churches to improve conditions in their communities through cooperation in the Rural Development program administered by the United States Department of Agriculture. The church has concern for the wise use of the earth's resources and believes that proper conservation of natural and human resources are basic to the fulfillment of Christian stewardship. The book "British Industrialists: Steel and Hosiery, 1850-1950," by Charlotte Erickson is an attempt to provide an empirical basis for generalizations about British industrial leadership during the century in which her role in world manufacturing was transformed from that of quasi-monopolist to one of competitor with many other countries.

The article assesses financial innovation and structural change in the early stages of industrialization based on the experience of the financial sector in Mexico from 1945-1959. A description of a traditional economy is included as is the transformation by which such an economy can become a developing economy through alterations in the production function. There are five ways, the article states, for financing innovation in developing economies, including self-financing, tax increases, direct financing, government securities, and indirect financing.

The article focuses on the research paper "Machine Age Overtakes Patents." The paper is a brief article on the Bush Committee report on mechanization of Patent Office operations.

The article comments on the article "British Armaments and European Industrialization, 1890-1914: The Spanish Case Re-Examined," by R.J. Harrison. Harrison's article examined the economic and political conditions in Spain from 1890 to 1914. It is discusses the industrialization of European countries and how Great Britain was imbibed on building armaments. The article also considers Spain's working population that is engaged in agriculture during the period. It explores the scandal involving the Spanish naval program of the government of Antonio Maura. Official Assessor of the Naval Ministry, Juan Macias, accused the whole government of prevarication in the adjudication of tenders for the squadron.

The article looks at the economic and political conditions in Spain from 1890 to 1914, the period when European countries were industrialized and Great Britain was imbibed on building armaments. It discusses the controversy on the contract awarded by the Spanish government to a British company to construct several naval ships. The percentage of Spain's working population that is engaged in agriculture during the period. The article also discusses the Maura legislation, which involved the elimination of a program for the economic regeneration of Spain based on the improvement of agricultural yields, the development of communications, the extension of the market for consumer goods, and the creation and safeguarding of agricultural employment.

This article presents information on the industrialization of Europe. In recent years yet another reason has emerged for viewing industrialization in national terms, many of the countries attempting to industrialize today have to use the whole apparatus of state power to propel their industrial revolution forward so that it must appear as an act of political will. By analogy, this is then applied to Europe in the nineteenth century. This article will argue that the traditional view has reached its limit as a method both of exposition and of analysis, and that further advance must come from a new starting-point. It will argue that, useful as the national approach has been in the past, particularly by evolving testable models, it was based on faulty observation. The industrialization of Europe did not proceed country by country. It is this dynamic element, the method of transmission, which should be a major object of study, but has inevitably been lost sight of in the traditional approach.

Recent trends in historical scholarship view askance the reformers of the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Analyses, which range from the Pluralism of a Richard Hofstadter to the neo-Marxism of a James Weinstein or Gabriel Kolko differ markedly, yet contain similar viewpoints about the worth of a variety of American reform movements. Status anxieties, naive urges for capitalistic efficiency, racialist assumptions, and individual psychological make-ups, are imputed to the reformers of the Populist and Progressive eras. It is alleged that they failed to understand the forces of industrialization, and in time capitulated to the corporate powers that they apparently opposed. It is possible that by concentrating too strongly on the alleged failures of varied reformers, there is some misunderstanding of their accomplishment. The career of the businessman-reformer, Nelson Olsen Nelson, can sharpen one's awareness of those times, which gave various reform urges scope. It can trace a curve of acceptability, and provide a gauge for changing perceptions of debate and action. Nelson's persistent cooperative endeavors shed light on a complex strand of American reform, which has survived to play a continuing role in the formation of the world.

The article throws light on the industrialization and regional development in Ireland between 1958-72. Ireland lagged in industrial growth not only far behind Great Britain but also the rest of Northern Europe. Owing to the inability of the Irish Government to engender a viable economy, the 1950s were years of economic, social and psychological depression. In 1958 the first program of Economic Development was launched, marking the cessation of hostility toward foreign investment and the dismantling of protectionist barriers. The new economic strategy, implemented under the aegis of the Industrial Development Authority (I.D.A.), called for vigorous encouragement of foreign industry and promotion of a healthy export oriented economy. in Ireland the incentives surpass those offered elsewhere in Europe. Foremost among those are non-repayable cash grants for the cost of fixed assets of up to 35 per cent of the total cost. To promote a more harmonious regional balance the I.D.A. adopted a strategy of economic decentralization, meaning the discouragement of further industrialization in the immediate Dublin, Ireland, area.

The article focuses on the problem related to the "underdeveloped study of underdeveloped countries." Development economics have been singled out as a special subdiscipline by economists for more than two decades. Universal models are still used by students of foreign-policy analysis to explain the policies of both developed as well as underdeveloped countries, with the implicit assumption that all these actors are interchangeable. This is just a reflection of the general assumption of many researchers who maintain a rigid distinction between national and international political systems despite mounting evidence that the distinction is breaking down. According to the author, if this was not the case, the tendency to view nation-states as monolithic units whose value systems and internal processes are of secondary importance for understanding their external conduct would not have been upheld for so long. Sociologists like the author, question this all-pervasive assumption. More generally the field of foreign-policy analysis is criticized for its inadequate theoretical content, its lack of rigor in analysis and-as far as third-world actors are concerned-its failure to establish a link in the proposed analytical constructs between the international behavior of these new national actors and the societal-psychological variables that constitute the essence of their identities. The article starts with an overview of the foreign policy literature concerning third world actors. It then proceeds to a more detailed critical analysis of the decision-making model and Rosenau's efforts at theory-building in foreign-policy analysis. The last part of the article suggests some hypotheses and an alternative model, the situation-role model for the analysis of foreign policy-making amongst third-world actors, based on these actors frame of reference. The author concludes with a note on the place of the proposed model in current international-relations theory.

This article reports on certain findings of an investigation made to determine the impact of a sizeable industry on a rural area and presents a theoretical frame of reference for analyzing these findings. The purpose of the study was to test various hypotheses relating to industry as a practical solution to the social and economic problems of rural areas. The study showed that industrialization served to raise levels of living substantially but did not change social participation, social institutions, and farming endeavors to a great extent. The general conclusion of the study is that judgments regarding the impact of industrialization on a rural community can be made only after it has been determined whether or not industry will represent a new and unique situation. Prior judgments regarding the impact of industrialization on a rural community are hazardous. In a low-income community the economic impact of industrialization can be predicted. On the other hand, if industrialization represents only a slight situational change, because of previous experiences, social patterns will be disrupted minimally.

The industrialization of rural Brazil has contributed to an increasing complexity of social life. Among the important results of this process have been the development of rural factory towns, new patterns of social interaction among workers, and their exposure to new sources of social knowledge. Data on mass media use, social visiting, and contact with outside persons were collected by questionnaires, case histories, and field observation methods. The author concludes that in the Brazilian rural town community, there have developed patterns of information exposure related to status in the socioeconomic structure. Further analysis of the social structural foundations of information exposure in developing world areas may have utility for communication research, for theories about development and change, and for building understanding among nations and people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rural depopulation is a world phenomenon associated with industrialization. A great many factors are involved. The standards of providing a variety of public utility services and extending social organizations in villages with persistently decreasing population are compared with those in villages of increasing population. The attitudes of residents in villages where population has persisted for a long time differ considerably from those of people of the "outside world," and in these villages little interest is taken in local government, education, or the organization of local social activities. Employer-employee relationships are often strained. Many reasons contribute to the initial decision to leave the home in the country. No nation in the world has a higher proportion of paid workers in agriculture than the United Kingdom. This gives workers greater mobility and, since there are fewer owner-occupied holdings, less chance of promotion. Once emigration has begun, it tends to generate its own momentum-fewer people can support fewer services, and fewer services will tend to make the area less attractive. Mechanization would have created unemployment without the substantial rural depopulation, but the rate of loss today is felt to be out of proportion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the relationship of unemployment to crime and delinquency. It would appear that rises in juvenile crime go hand in hand with industrialization and economic affluence. In India, a country with a generally low delinquency rate, a sudden rise of delinquency in Orissa province coincided with the erection of a new steel plant and anew urban, industrial center in the area. Advocates of rapid industrialization stress the positive social effects of economic well being, pointing out that providing employment opportunities gives people the means of escaping from the antisocial consequences of poverty. In order to have a clear look at the relationship between employment and crime, one must discard the idea that a simple cause and effect relationship can be isolated. It is necessary to explore the exact nature and operation of the variables intervening between these two conditions. Initially, rates of adult crime and rates of juvenile crime must be separately examined since considerable evidence suggests that they are not positively correlated.

This article examines whether an increase in population occurred in the same places where the action of capitalism was exerted. Between 1650 and 1950 the population of the area of European settlement grew. Therefore, the great increase of population in territories occupied by Europeans coincided with the industrial expansion of those territories. The early 19th century rise if population in Ireland was related to the increased market for food provided by advancing England. Adam Smith, witnessing the early stages of the relation between industrialization and population, gave it a general formulation: the demand for labor is what makes population grow.

The article focuses on the interpersonal relations within formal organizations in Turkey. Since the establishment of the Turkish Republic in 1923, the country has been pursuing a course of deliberate economic development based on increasing industrialization. In spite of a rapid increase in new plant construction and increased mechanization, over 60% of the male labor force is employed in agriculture and more than 70% of the population lives in centers having less than 2,000 population. Turkey is very much in the process of transition from a traditional agriculturally based society to a modern technology based society. The data in the article were collected in 1958-59. The primary focus of organization in Turkish society has been the extended family with a tight family group characterized by strong emphasis on family loyalty. In the larger scale organizations, where the general manager cannot have direct knowledge of the behavior of every employee and where presumably universalistic standards would be especially important, it is find that the organization broken down into little sub-families with the relationship of the employees being one of extreme dependence on their immediate superiors.

The article discusses the role of organized labor in economic development in Africa. The following interpretations are analyzed: the interpretation of the Inter-University Study of Labor Problems in Economic Development; the political unionism viewpoint; and the interpretation of those who believe that the role of labor is to contribute to rapid economic growth. The author points that the role of organized labor to regulate conflict has been weakened in the developing areas. Thus, labor's contribution to industrialization and economic development remains an elusive one.

The article looks at the social security programs in the U.S. The country's social security programs are reported in this article to have a tendency toward expansion and liberalization and that the proportion of the national income spent on such programs tends to increase in the course of industrialization. The article discusses several reasons social security came relatively late to the U.S. It then offers a look at substantial evidence of growing support for a more effective social security program. It also predicts that expansion and liberalization are likely to continue, but there will be an increasing need for a more vigorous attack on inequities and complexities and for improvements in methods of financing.

Provides an evaluation of agrarian reform and its effects on the employment in Colombia. Analysis of land pattern and income distribution; Significance of an increased development assistance on the small-farm sector; Effect of the employment opportunities on the flow of capital available for industrialization.

Focuses on a study that examined the influence of industrialization on structural changes in employment in the socialist countries.

Provides information on a study which reviewed the mutual interactions between socio-cultural forces and the development of management in Japan. Changes during the process of industrialization; Cultural changes which addressed issues of universalism and particularism in the process.

Examines the social and cultural factors in management development in India and the role of the experts. Historical background of industrialization and the management practices that emerged in the country; Examination of the Indian family system and its influences on management practices; Details on the management development programs organized by the Indian Institute of Management.

The article discusses the history of British armaments and European industrialization in the period 1890-1914. From 1890 onwards a complete new armoury of destructive engines was produced in Great Britain. All of them were weapons that worked harder and more precisely, imposed greater strain on materials, and developed more energy than any of their predecessors, and, in the process, confronted armourers with wholly novel problems, with formidable specifications and with soaring research budgets. As these problems were solved by the application of resources and skills rarely found outside the defence industries, several innovations of general importance were produced. Among them were stress-resistant alloys, metal-drawing and cutting techniques, machine-tool practices and interchangeable methods of manufacture. These became available for use by both armament and civilian manufacturing interests. The British armourers used a variety of methods to bring about the improvement of Russian shipbuilding practice. Most important were the technical agreements arranged between consultant firms, like Vickers or Brown, and the Tsarist government, very much as had been done in Spain. Under these agreements the British firms would make available to the Russian constructors their designs, their guarantee of quality and of expert supervision, and any patents relevant to the work in hand.