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Kilpatrick describes the curriculum program of the School Mathematics Study Group and its philosophy. Mathematical structure, rather than psychological theory, has played the instrumental role in shaping the program. An interesting issue is joined, essentially the same issue provoked by the Karplus paper, i.e., the issue of spontaneous aevelopment in children's thinking versus acceleration of this development through formal instruction and altering the child's experience. The compatibility of certain features of the SMSG curriculum with the results of Piaget's studies are enumerated. The paper concludes with a discussion of the National Longitudinal Study of Mathematical Abilities.

The paper investigated the factor structure of the Wechsler Memory Scale using a sample of 250 patients referred for cognitive assessment to a department of clinical psychology. Three significant factors were found: (i) the learning and immediate recall of complex novel information—Logical Memory, Visual Reproduction and Associate Learning, (ii) attention and concentration—Mental Control and Digit Span, and (iii) orientation and recall of long-established verbal information—Information and Orientation. The three factors significantly intercorrelated and were highly saturated with intelligence, as measured by the WAIS. The verbal-performance discrepancy on the WAIS was independent of the general level of intellectual and memory functioning. Factor scores were calculated for the three factors and patients with different types of organic pathology (dementias, head injuries and ‘others’) were compared with patients for whom no such pathology had been confirmed by neurological or neurosurgical techniques. The general conclusion was that the more diffuse the involvement of brain tissue the greater the memory disturbance, as measured by the Wechsler Memory Scale. Some definite organic lesions of the brain, however, produced no measurable memory deficit. The evidence does not support a unitary view of brain damage and its cognitive effects.

Using a personal construct theory approach, Bannister (1960) has put forward the hypothesis that schizophrenic thought disorder is the result of progressive loosening of construct relationships. This paper reviews the evidence for this hypothesis both in the light of recent claims that schizophrenic thinking is not ‘loose’ but is inconsistent, and with respect to the issue of cognitive complexity, a measure of normal thinking which is operationally similar to ‘looseness’. Based upon a comparison of normal, paranoid and non-paranoid schizophrenic thinking, discussed within the framework of interpersonal construing, an attempt is made to trace the course of schizophrenic thought disorder. An alternative interpretation of ‘loose construing’ is offered, based not upon the association between constructs, but upon the way in which the schizoid person frames his constructs about the people towards whom he is attempting to maintain a consistent attitude.

THERE IS a growing interest in how people learn about the choices or opportunities that exist in their local area, and how they establish regular patterns of movement to utilize these opportunities. Research in this area has centred on consumer market activity, because consumption is, in many ways, a learned response. Formally defined, learning means “all changes in behavior that result from previous behavior in similar situations,”’ so that the consumers’ spatial behaviour can be regarded as an evolving process, based on their experience with current and past locations. It has been postulated that the spatial patterns associated with consumer market activity are the result of a learning process whereby an individual searches his area for the “most satisfactory” pattern of responses.2 Utilizing the reinforcement theory of Hull’s3 “Behavior System,” Golledge and Brown4 suggest that in the early stages of the learning process an individual’s search procedure will be random; but the haphazard nature of the search will diminish as the individual develops more satisfying experiences from the choices or trials he has made. Finally, the consumer will reach a stage of general satisfaction with his choices that is likely to lead to a habitual set of responses and a stable movement pattern within his area. However, the close association with stimulus-response learning theory has meant that geographical research into spatial search has emphasized the trial and error aspect of learning while minimizing its cognitive elemenk5 Cognitive behaviour and experience can intervene in a stimulus-response situation and modify the learning process via the individual’s perception, attitude, motivation (physical and psychological), and inter-trial learning.G Such personal attributes are likely to influence the degree of commitment an individual makes to a search and affect the procedure by which he builds up his mental image of an area. Thus it is important that the contribution of individuality be examined in addition to the more stereotyped behaviour of stimulus-response learning. This paper reports on an investigation of the motivations and modus operandi involved in the spatial search of a new area. The individuals concerned were first-time tourists to Vancouver Island, British Columbia, and the study examined events and expectations associated with their search process. Tourism provides an attractive medium for the study of spatial search because the tourist encounters many new environments during his trip, and these must be assimilated in a short time. Therefore, although he may not advance to the hypothesized habitual state of response and movement during his first visit, the tourist’s search experience could provide insight into which methods and cues have a high ‘Lpay-off” and into the relevance of cognitive variables. Furthermore, the way in which the tourist explores each location is of vital interest to local tourist industries which need to create maximum exposure and use for each tourist attraction during their short season. This study of tourist search behaviour was conducted as part of a broader survey7

— This paper introduces evidence as to whether the cognitive base of natural languages is universal or not. When a speaker or writer has too little time or space to use complete, grammatically well-formed sentences, he will first leave out the parts of speech which are least essential for the decoding process of the receiver. If, in two different languages, different parts are left out, the cognitive base of the languages cannot be the same. It was predicted that native Finnish-speaking subjects will be more prone to leave out the verb from newspapers headings and from reports of sporting events, than will native Swedish-speaking subjects. In addition, it was expected that Finnish subjects will rate sentences lacking verbs as more, and sentences lacking nouns, as less “language correct” than will Swedish subjects. It was also predicted that in perception of a sporting event, Finnish reporters will focus on topological, and Swedish, on vectorial, information. The predictions were borne out exactly by the findings, which thus are strongly negative to the universality hypothesis.

Need and meaning of comparative studies in genetic psychology. The comparative studies in the field of genetic psychology are indispensable for Psychology in general and also for Sociology, because only such studies allow us to separate the effects of biological or mental factors from those of social and cultural influences on the formation and the socialization of individuals. Relevant to this discussion is the well-known issue between culturalistic psychoanalysts like Fromm, Homey, etc., and classical freudian psychoanalysts who reduce the whole individual development to an endogenous evolution of instinct. In the field of cognitive functions to which this paper is devoted, at least four kinds of various factors must be distinguished, the respective influences of which can be separated through comparative studies: 1. Biological factors depending on the “epigenetic” system (maturation of nervous system, etc.). These factors probably explain the sequential aspects (constant and necessary order) o...

At present there is fairly general agreement about some cognitive aspects of cerebral palsy (5, 6, ii). But a survey of the literature reveals little evidence of exploration of conative aspects of personality (3, 8). Besides a few reports of paper-and-pencil personality inventories (io, 12), there are only two notable studies, Klapper and Werner's (9) cerebral palsied twin study characterized by excellent methodology, and Werner's Rorschach study of brain-injured children (13) which emphasizes qualitative differences between the experimental and non-brain-injured control group. In an attempt at an initial exploration of the personality of school-aged cerebral palsied children, the Children's Apperception Test (hereafter referred to as CAT) was selected as a projective instrument. The purpose of this study is to evaluate the effectiveness of the CAT as a projective test with cerebral palsied children. The CAT was devised by Bellak (2) for children aged 3 to io years of age. The test consists of io pictures depicting animals in various situations. Table i, Column 2, briefly describes the content of each picture card. The CAT is a descendant of Murray's Thematic Apperception Test, which Bellak (2) feels is unsuitable for young children. The basic assumption of the CAT is that it is an apperceptive method: "a method of investigating personality by studying the dynamic meaningfulness of the individual defferences in perception of standard stimuli" (2, p. i). The CAT is said to be "able to reveal the dynamics of interpersonal relationships, of drive constellations and the nature of the defenses against them" (2, p. 2). It is hoped that the results of this study will shed some light on the generality of these statements as they apply to brain-injured (cerebral palsied) children.

This report is one in a continuing series concerning the relationship of family interaction and individual thinking (24, 25, 26, 27). On the basis of previous experiments in this series, we have begun to elaborate a theory concerning the family's shared, consensual experience of its environment. This paper will outline the theory and demonstrate how it can generate a set of predictive hypotheses. The theory of consensua experience has been developed to explain ways in which individuals employ their cognitive and perceptual resources in intimate relationships with others and to account for the ways in which these intimate relationships alter and mold cognition and perception.

It is argued that many of the suggested functions of clothing can be seen as special cases of the idea that it acts as a means of communication. Fashion changes may thus often be explainable as attempts to communicate superiority in some respects by the self-defeating method of changing garment styles, for if they communicate successfully they will be imitated by many people and thus the message of the clothing will be changed. This will require a fashion change, again, to continue to communicate the same message. The experimental part of the paper reports an investigation in which six pictures of current outfits were judged by 50 15- or 16-year-old girls. The judgements were of two kinds: by a type of semantic differential scale, on which ideal self was also judged, and by a questionnaire asking specific questions about various attributes of the persons who would be likely to wear the outfits. The results indicated that there was high consensus as to the specific attributes seen by this group as belonging to the likely wearers of each dress which was not explicable on a general evaluative basis. It was also shown very clearly that the impression created by the liked dresses was seen as much nearer the impression of the ideal-self than was the disliked ones and it was found that likers and dislikers differed, both in the actual ideal self image and in their judgements of the dresses, suggesting that liking is a form of ‘commitment’ which leads to the need for cognitive dissonance. A very important finding was that the first factor in the principal components analysis of the judgements of the dress was a factor which predicted ranked fashionableness in the group (r = 0.99) rather than simply liking. This finding could provide a measuring device for analysing the cognitive content of fashion for different groups and for studying the possible change of meaning of an outfit as it passes into and out of fashion.

A previous paper of ours (Begleiter, Gross, & Kissin, 1967) demonstrated that it was possible to condition affective meaning to meaningless figures (CS), and significantly alter visual evoked potential (VEP) amplitudes and latencies to them, without the S's awareness of the CS–UCS relationship (Experiment I, totally unaware). In the present study some Ss were deliberately informed that a CS–UCS connection existed; however, the exact nature of their relationship was not divulged (Experiment II, slightly aware). Other Ss were explicitly informed of the correct CS–UCS contingency, and entire conditioning paradigm (Experiment III, fully aware). One physiological (VEP) and two behavioral (interflash interval and semantic differential) indices of conditioning were obtained during an extinction procedure, and demonstrated significant differences between CRs in Experiment II, but none in Experiment III. VEP amplitudes to positive and negative CSs were enhanced in Experiment II, and suppressed in Experiment I, in comparison to the neutral CS. This effect was most marked in responses to the negative CS. It is suggested that level of awareness of the CS–UCS contingency might be reflected in our physiological index of conditioning - VEP amplitude.

SUMMARY This paper examines some dangerous aspects of the ‘humanistic counterrevolution’ in progress. The destruction of ancient orientations offered in philosophy and traditional religions created apparently an unstable pattern. The feverish search for ‘new values’ and ‘commitments’ shaped an intellectual regression which denies the role of cognition and is incapable to distinguish between cognition and valuation. The conflicts bearing on assessment and choice of economic organization illustrate the dangers inherent in the sacrifice of cognition fashionably enveloping increasing portions of our intellectual establishment.

Naive conceptions regarding the relationship between psychological health and cognitive functioning pervade both the professional literature and the popular press. Most crudely stated, these conceptions imply that as psychological health goes, so goes cognition; that disorders and malfunctioning of the former will be accompanied invariably by disorders and malfunctioning of the latter. On the basis of such beliefs educators and other professional workers have been led to assume that any practice designed to promote a person's psychological well-being will produce direct and substantial gains in the cognitive acuity of that person. When one seeks evidence to support this general conception, the results are disappointing. Both clinical and empirical investigations concerned with the interplay between psychological health and cognition attest to the complexity of this relationship. Rapaport (8), for example, describes the dynamics by which intellectualization, or the libidinization of thought-processes, comes to be used as a potent defense mechanism for the individual. More recently, Haggard and others (5) have identified particular personality constellations in children, some involving pathology, that are associated with outstanding achievement in certain scholastic areas. In an earlier paper the present authors described the differences in scholastic achievement which accompany public-private conflicts within the individual (7). From these and other investigations it is apparent that differences in the definitions both of psychological health and of cognitive functioning produce corresponding differences in the conclusions which may be drawn concerning the relationship between the two. The need to specify the conditions which affect this relationship is evident.

This study investigated the effect of verbal participation during enquiry sessions on achievement. Other factors examined included intelligence characteristics of participants and non-participants and question categories for each treatment group. The Suchman questioning procedure was used. Twelve eighth grade science classes were assigned to three treatment groups of four classes each. Treatment A consisted of a film, a pretest on the film, the enquiry session, and a posttest. Subjects in treatment B were not administered the pretest but engaged in unguided discovery. Treatment C students submitted five questions each on paper after having viewed the film. Three such enquiry sessions were conducted. Each class was also administered an I.Q. test, a reading test, a sociogram, and an academiogram. In all treatment groups the mean I.Q. of the participants exceeded that of the non-participants. With I.Q. controlled, significant differences in mean achievement were found between the participants and non-participants in the higher categories (3:00 to 6:00) of the Bloom taxonomy but not on the lower (1:00 to 2:00) categories. With adjustment for ability, the highest mean achievement in both the composite and higher category was attained by the group given maximum guidance by means of the pretest. Participation was found to be independent of sociometric position in the classroom but not of academiometric position. Sex and participation were found to be dependent upon each other, with more boys and fewer girls participating than was expected. In the analysis of questions written by students in treatment C, it was found that the participants wrote a substantially higher percentage of “directed” questions than did the non-participants. No significant difference in the distribution of questions was evident between treatment groups A and C but group B differed significantly from both. It would appear that student verbal participation in the classroom is associated with achievement at the higher cognitive levels.

The Automatization cognitive style is defined as greater ability (Strong Automatization) or lesser ability (Weak Automatization) to perform simple repetitive tasks than expected from the individual's general level of ability. Previous work suggested that Strong and "Weak Automatizers differ from each other physically as well as cognitively. The present paper examines the physical attributes of Strong and Weak Automatizers in a sample of 48 male college students and in a second sample of 46 male high school students. Significant differences obtained in each sample suggested that the Strong Automatizers are relatively thick, heavy-set, hirsute individuals compared to Weak Automatizers. Results are discussed in the context of the literature on adolescent growth and endocrine functions.

Morton (1968) has described a general model for word recognition and other language-processing tasks. In this paper, Morton's model is used as a framework for discussion of a number of tasks in which a measure is taken of the latency to read words, name objects or compare printed names and objects. In order to accommodate these tasks, the basic model has been elaborated to include separate access and exit channels for verbal and pictorial stimuli, which will be involved when a word or object is assigned an abstract interpretation, or when names or graphic responses are initiated. In addition, the model includes a channel for alteration of the content of the semantic system, which is employed in superordinate naming and in congruence judgements.

This paper, which draws on follow-up data collected from English subjects first tested as adolescents and then, 1I years later, as young inen of 24–25, falls into three parts. Part I examines the structuring of responses to authoritarian statements. No general authoritarian factor could be isolated in either adolescence or in adult life. Instead, four separate authoritarian response tendencies, each with its own antecedents, significance and predictive value, were obtained. Only the adolescent measures correlated significantly with ability level. This, together with the greater stability across time of the responses of the more able 13–14 year olds, led us to hypothesize that some of the variance in adolescent scores was cognitively, not motivationally, determined. Part II reports a series of experimental studies (using additional data from the follow-up investigation) testing the cognitive and developmental hypothesis, which received support. Part III proposes a general model for the consideration of attitudes, in which any given attitudinal response is located in a three-dimensional space of cognitive complexity, personality needs and social structure.

For some years the challenge of bringing greater sophistication to the area of counselor education has touched upon many interesting conceptualizations, one of which deals with cognitive dissonance. This paper is an exploration of the concept of cognitive dissonance as it is reflected through the seemingly conflicting roles of counseling and testing. To anticipate the potential interplay between such roles creates some speculations not only about what dissonance exists but about what might be done to bring two apparently discrepant cognitions into harmony.

This paper presents analyses of cognitive data from a child guidance clinic in a working-class area. Firstly, it was found that in this area the verbal ability of older boys is significantly lower than performance ability, but the difference for girls was less clear-cut. Secondly, the variability of scores on sub-tests of the WISC were shown to be significantly less than the variability obtained when children from a predominantly middle-class population were tested elsewhere. These results are related to previous work on the connection of such data with personality structure, cultural and class differences.

The emphasis of this study is on the mechanism through which man structures and restructures his impression of a contention in a problem-solving situation with which he is faced. Concept formation being an integral part of the individual's cognitive activities, this paper attempts to clarify the role which cognitive frustration plays in the individual's concept formation or learning. The method of inquiry is that of generating primary data from a laboratory experimental situation in which individual subjects are confronted with a learning situation demanding a sophisticated use of conceptual insight. The results of the experiment show that cognitive frustration tends to regulate the development of problem-solving behavior. In short, the study concludes that cognitive frustration is the psychological mechanism which provides the motivational impetus to man's inherent inclination to conceptualize and, thus, to categorize the feedbacks of his environmental interaction. This frustration augments his learning process.

Four groups, Young Males, Young Females, Aged Males and Aged Females, were run in a discrimination conditioning paradigm with a variety of autonomic and central measures. This paper deals primarily with Electro-Dermal Responses. The findings indicate that in all measures the Young Males and Young Females show the best discriminated conditioning, followed by Aged Females and Aged Males. In the GSP there are hints that the negative wave of the response might be related to the orienting phenomena whereas the positive wave is what becomes discriminately conditioned in the experiment. A cognitive questionnaire was accurately answered in the same rank order as the conditioning, that is. Young Males, Young Females, Aged Females and Aged Males.

Summary. Our ability to analyse the socio-cultural environment is vital to the development of research into the effects of social experience upon academic performance. This paper argues that, in the course of such development, there is an inevitable tendency to treat simple statistical predictors as indicators of causal mechanisms. An example of this problem is found in the way in which social class is often treated as a single experimental variable. In the present state of research sophistication it is better to treat social classes as social contexts within which particular factors may have special effects upon cognition and motivation. Analysis of sample data suggests that the effects of certain environmental variables are different in the different social classes.

This paper examines the re-emergence of imagery as a topic commanding attention in psychology. Recent research (by persons such as Haber, Paivio, Sheehan, Singer and Inhelder) is surveyed within the framework of the cognitive-experiential Zeitgeist. Attention is then given to methodological issues involved in devising a ‘new’ introspection and to a number of theoretical statements on the nature and development of imagery, notably those of Bartlett, Bruner and Piaget. Questions such as the kind and dimension of imagery, individual differences in imagery, and the relationship of imagery to creativity are raised. The general conclusion is that the study of imagery affords a good opportunity for gaining knowledge of the ‘everyday stream’.

Contemporary psychologists are beginning to do more than identify those traits characteristic of creative adolescents, for while a trait approach to creativity is indeed informative, it fails to suggest precisely how creativity may be enhanced. In the following paper, Davis suggests that creativity profitably may be conceptualized as consisting mainly of three trainable components, (1) appropriate creative attitudes, the most critical of which is a favorable attitude toward highly imaginative problem solutions, (2) various cognitive abilities which facilitate whatever mental abstracting, combining, perceiving, associating, filling in gaps, etc., contribute to the fluent production of original ideas, and (3) techniques for the conscious and systematic production of new combinations of ideas. Further, by incorporating many concepts and principles from this three-part model, Davis describes a novel program for developing creativity in adolescents.

This paper deals with a process of intuitive concept formation which is assumed to take place when learning of the concept involves unfamiliar discriminations, and is subordinate relative to some salient behavioral goal. Under such conditions, three separate stages of learning are hypothesized. At first, the defining property acquires perceptual dominance. After that, the functional concept is achieved. Finally, the verbal concept is developed as an insight into and symbolic representation of an already established intuitive discriminatory mechanism. This follows from certain theoretical assumptions concerning levels of cognitive organization, it is maintained, and is also in part corroborated by the findings from a preliminary experimental study.

In this paper the author examines some assumptions underlying efforts in the computer simulation of cognitive processes. It is argued that the validity of simulations as confirmations of theories or models depends on there being logically analogous relations between machine trace and computer operations on the one hand, and human protocols and human operations on the other. This assumption is shown to be highly speculative and considerations are raised for and against it.

Summary Cognitive theorists have frequently distinguished between two types of thinking, one associated with control and reason, and the other with emotional expression A similar distinction was made by Freud between secondary and primary process thinking This paper has investigated whether corresponding styles of creativity can be discovered A study was reported in which two types of behaviour appeared a permissive, expressive type, and a controlled, coping type Both of these correlated positively with self-reported creativity A second study contrasted the correlates of originality on tests of divergent thinking with originality on projective tests. Two clusters emerged, one representing competent, stable, resourceful personalities who scored high on divergent thinking tests of originality, the other representing impulsive, emotionally expressive, imaginative persons who scored high on projective test originality It was concluded that there are two creativity styles corresponding to the two types of cognitive process, and these styles were labelled “cold” creativity and “hot” creativity. Both styles play a part, in varying proportions, in any creativity process Performance on the divergent thinking tests of originality is more closely related to cold than hot creativity and, therefore, the distinction does not correspond with that between convergent and divergent thinking Nor does it correspond with differences between scientific and artistic interests and creativity.

This paper calls for the development of sequential models of cognition and personality as a way of adding process to the primarily structural concerns of current multivariate models. At the same time, it points to the results of factor analysis, particularly as summarized in a hierarchical extension of Guilford's structure-of-intellect system, as a source of component variables for such sequential formulations. The need to take into account personality, developmental, and environmental variables in these sequential models is also emphasized.

This paper summarizes a series of naturalistic and experimental investigations into the nature of personal commitment and prosocial behavior. An intensive naturalistic study of Civil Rights workers distinguished those who were fully committed (i.e., had actively participated in Civil Rights activities for more than a year) from those who were partially committed (i.e., had gone on one or two Freedom Rides) on the basis of the kinds of models to which they were exposed as children. The parent of the fully committed was a behavioral altruist, fully committed to a social cause. Moreover, he maintained a strong positive relationship with the child. The parent of the partially committed, on the other hand, was described as having often failed to practice what he preached, and maintained a negative or ambivalent relationship with the child. These observations were examined in a variety of experiments that were predicated on social learning theory. In one, adolescents who observed a model rebel against authority for prosocial reasons tended themselves subsequently to rebel more than their peers who had observed an obedient model. In another, children who observed a model contribute to charity tended also to contribute, even in the absence of adult surveillance. However, these findings, while statistically significant, were nevertheless quite weak. Additional experiments provided strong evidence that while observation of a model was helpful, internalization of prosocial norms was more strongly facilitated by the opportunity to rehearse prosocial behavior voluntarily with the model. In a series of developmental studies it was found that internalization of prosocial norms occurred rarely with five-year-old children, but quite commonly with eight- and nine-year-old ones. This finding was puzzling since the required behaviors were neither physically nor psychologically taxing. It was proposed that the internalization of prosocial behavior on the basis of observation of others may require a predisposing cognitive and affective matrix, the elements of which are briefly elaborated.

foreign study programs a review of the literature reveals very little data bearing on the evaluation of such programs. The paucity of research can, in part, be attributed to a lack of appropriate instruments, or at least a lag in the application of already available devices. One of the more formidable problems is involved with securing reliable criterion data. Only recently have appropriate level standardized measures of foreign language proficiency become available.' This resolves one aspect of the evaluation problem, namely the assessment of the cognitive outcomes of language training. The area of attitudes and values has yet to be explored. The purpose of this paper is to present data bearing on the ability of selected standardized educational and psychological tests to predict both objective and subjective evaluations of the language and general academic performance of students in the Syracuse Semester in Italy Program.

This paper discusses cognitive styles and affective reactions as two major classes of criterion variables that should be taken into account in the evaluation of instruction. These variables are emphasized because of their bearing upon questions that stem from particular views about the diversity of human performance and the role of values in educational research.