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The article reports on the contrasting aspects of recreation for the rich and poor. Factors that contribute to increased recreational participation includes more people, increased amounts of leisure, better education, greater mobility, more money to spend and more favorable attitudes toward leisure and recreation. Money spent on recreational activities includes boating, bowling, television and radio purchases and maintenance, cultural activities and travel. It is commented that leisure is contributing to a classless society in the U.S.

This study addresses itself to the problems of "cultural difference" through a semantic feature analysis of the lexicon of the hard-core poor. The hard-core poor are an internally organized, often highly resourceful, deviant subculture, the members of which do not share common societal values and do not wish for social mobility. They have their own ideology concerning the middle-class striver, considering him "sick" and his values inimical. Although other types of slum residents appear to lack integrated social systems for surviving in conditions of economic marginality, the hard-core poor do not. Their neighbors refer to them as "the self-contained society." They have developed their own adaptive institutional forms, including those for religious expression, economic survival, and social aid. This subculture has its own economic strata (not all of the hard-core group are economically poor), as well as its own elites, its own methods of communication, and highly efficient system maintenance and group insulation mechanisms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the poor people's cave, in China. This cave is five to six feet high, seven to eight feet wide, and twenty to thirty feet long, had been shared for many generations by several poor families. The occupants of the cave were those who had been reduced to abject poverty because of the exploitation by landlords and rich peasants. Since the liberation, the poor people's cave has been preserved as historical evidence of the exploitation of peasants by the landlord class. It has been completely restored and preserved by the Hsiao-sung Production Brigade of the Kao-ho Commune in Chtang-ch'ih hsien as a tool for the class education of young people. Early on the morning of May 5, 1943, a man of medium stature was helping an old woman along on her way from the temple of the local deity to the poor people's cave in northwestern Hsiao-sung Village. A little over thirty, with an emaciated face, the man carried a broken earthen vessel in his hand and shabby quilt on his shoulder.

The article discuses about the important roles of science and technology in raising living standards. In this report, the author emphasizes the practical problems of science and development, particularly on the intensity of world poverty. The author also indicated the need for a world supermarket in science and technology, a comprehensive display of what science and technology can achieve in raising living standards and to what cost. With this crucial stage of counsel and advice, the author recommended to seek the technical knowledge and the idealism of scientists.

This article presents the abstract of a paper which examined the pauperization theory. Accumulation of wealth at one pole is, therefore, at the same time accumulation of misery, agony of toil, slavery, ignorance, brutality, moral degradation at the opposite pole, for instance, on the side of the class that produces its own product in the form of capital. Absolute pauperization is a composite of these six factors. In fact, the history of labor conditions can be divided into periods which are, to a certain extent, characterized by the development of the various factors determining the standard of living. Before the industrial revolution, there is no general process of absolute pauperization, just as other laws of capitalist development are not yet effective, for example, the law of over-production cycles. Increasing slavery is to be found in the fact that whole families are pressed into factory work. Up until 1900, there is no improvement as to hours of work for home and agricultural workers. Probably, for all workers employed by the national capital combined, less misery. On the other hand, the agony of toil has undoubtedly increased partly because of a rise of the intensity of work at home, or because of terrible working conditions in colonies. Slavery--forced labor in colonies--has increased, though the pressure to put one's children into factories has undoubtedly eased .Brutality and moral degradation outside the colonies declined undoubtedly, however it increased in the colonies.

The article focuses on the life of master Sang, whose given name is Yün-chiao, and who is fifty-one years old. The son of a blacksmith, he followed his father from one place to another. From his childhood, he was fed the bitter water of class oppression and class exploitation, the old society drove to their deaths seven members of his family. In 1945 the Communist Party saved his entire family. Now, he is the head of the welding group of the United Factory in Wu-hsiang hsien and an honored labor model. From the time of Yü-chiao's great -grandfather, his family served the big landlords like Yang Lao-p'ei. horses and mules. Yang employed scores of lackeys, these plus his hired laborers and maidservants must have made his household number more than 100 persons. Yang operated a salt shop which monopolized the business and controlled salt prices, and it cost ten catties of maize to buy a catty of salt. Salt was as expensive as silver, how could poor people afford it. They could not eat salt for years.

This article presents a description of the Japanese labor research institutes and labor training camps in Japanese-occupied regions of China and examines the lives of prisoners of war (POW) laborers in labor camps in Japan. The author remarks that when he was nine years old, his family lived on the verge of starvation and his three-mou plot of land was seized by a landlord nicknamed "Sheep Knife." The author's father went away to make a living and fell sick and died. Then, his mother, taking him and his younger sister, married Wu Yung-kuang. His stepfather could manage to make a precarious living by cultivating several mou of land. After the death of author's mother his stepfather brought him up. He was already sixteen years old. On the evening of the first day of the tenth month on the lunar calendar, 1923, when the author returned from the work in the field, he saw Shu-shu, his stepbrother sitting in dejection by the door. He told him that the village office has assigned them to beat the watches that night. In their village, the poor people had to take turns beating the night watches.

The article focuses on family patterns of the poor. It is opined that there are a number of family patterns that are more characteristic of the poor than of the non-poor. Prominent among these family patterns are consensual marriage and other man-woman relationships; separation of marital partners; a high official rate of illegitimate childbirth; and many female-headed families. These patterns do play a part, contributing, for example, to more delinquency. Family patterns among the poor are an adaptation to their deprived circumstances. The poor are hemmed in by deprivation and discrimination--and they usually find that they can't get ahead, that opportunities are not open to them, and that the good life is not for them. It is believed that the poor must adapt to the conditions they face. There is a preference for the conventional family patterns, but also an acceptance of the alternatives one must pursue in order to adapt to deprived circumstances-and in this way poor people find it possible to live with their conscience and their economic uncertain ties.

Tug concert of class consciousness seems to mean many things to sociologists, perhaps because they have not always agreed on the meaning of one of its elements-class. In contemporary writing the term has been used in five different ways. These, in order of comprehensiveness, are: first, the manifestation of an awareness that a system of stratification exists in society; second, the willingness of a person to designate where he feels he belongs in this system; third, the manifestation of interests in common with others who feel they belong in the same aggregate; fourth, the possession of presumedly accurate knowledge of the interests of the class to which one feels he belongs, and as a consequence, a manifestation of interests similar to these; and fifth, a feeling of solidarity with those who are identified as belonging to one's self-assigned class, and a feeling of estrangement from those not identified as belonging to one's self assigned class. The first three usages are indicative more of class identification than of class consciousness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focuses on the functional analysis of social class differences in modes of speech. Collection of data from high and low socioeconomic strata in Detroit; Function of impulsive mode of speech; Differences in the social classes in the U.S.