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The paper studies a pattern of thought, sometimes called "the practical syllogism". The first premise of this pattern is a statement about an agent's intention to achieve a certain result. The second premise is a statement about what he considers necessary for him to do in order to achieve this aim. The conclusion is a statement to the effect, roughly speaking, that the agent proceeds to do the necessary things. What is the logical status of this type of argument or inference? The paper purports to show that the argument, when it is logically conclusive, is a schema of understanding behaviour in the light of assumed intentions and cognitive attitudes of an agent The argument also has uses for explanatory and predictive purposes. The author contends that, as a schema of explanation, the practical inference pattern holds a position in the human and social sciences similar to that of the deductive-nomological inference pattern ("the covering law model") in the natural sciences. Since the patterns are of different logical type, there is thus also a difference in kind between explanation in the natural sciences and in the sciences of man. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reports an investigation of the relationship between cognitive complexity and the manner in which Ss, from conflicting information, form impressions of a person. It was found that Ss with a high degree of complexity integrate conflicting information into a unified impression, while Ss low in complexity form univalent or unintegrated impressions. These individual differences in impression formation are explained by a consideration of complexity within the framework of dissonance theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reports that in recent years there has been a sharp increase of interest in the influence of personality variables on cognitive processes. A considerable number of studies have attempted to demonstrate experimentally the influence of needs, values, and attitudes on perception, thinking, and memory. It is the express purpose of writers in this field to overcome the dichotomy which has existed in psychology between motivational and cognitive processes. But it can now be seen that they maintain the dichotomy they are trying to eliminate. For they think of needs and attitudes as determinants of cognitive processes of quite a different order from structural determinants, those arising from the nature of the presented material itself. Needs are thought of as quite foreign to structure, going against structural determinants, producing distortions in the presented material. Motivation, in other words, is looked upon as an extraneous influence. But if the two kinds of process are regarded as antagonistic, it follows that the assumption underlying these studies is not the basic psychological unity of the individual. The dichotomy between the two kinds of functioning - motivational and cognitive - is maintained. Thus these authors perpetuate the idea they seek to combat of the essential disunity of man.

This article presents information related to creativity and authoritarianism which seem to be inversely related to each other. Much birth order research suggests more intellectual, conservative and achievement tendencies among firstborns, especially males, presumably due to early child-rearing practices. If the conservative aspects were emphasized we might expect greater authoritarianism among firstborn males; but if the creativity aspects were considered, we would predict significantly less authoritarianism. Thus, there seems to be a need for examination of creativity and authoritarianism with respect to birth order separately for males and females, even though two previous studies found no relationship between birth order and authoritarianism. Perhaps research is unlikely to produce extremely large negative relationships between creativity and authoritarianism because many Ss are at an intermediate stage of cognitive development, corresponding to the middle authoritarian scores in the present study. These Ss are not particularly creative and not particularly authoritarian.

The article reflects on skill development which can be gained through sustained practice where coordinative potentialities are developed and new cognitive qualities are conveyed. The adaptive responses that led to differentiated postural and spatial schemata of the body involved more intricate associations with corporeal awareness, imagery, memory, and a three-dimensional and temporal discrimination. Denny Brown called this adaptive process as morphosynthesis, a neurophysiological term which relates to specific capacities of the parietal lobes of man.

The relationship of integrative complexity to the favorability of impressions was investigated. It was hypothesized that (a) favorability of impressions of subjects of high integrative complexity would be less affected by a positive or negative set than the favorability responses of subjects low in integrative complexity, and (b) when no set was induced, that subjects of high integrative complexity would form more favorable impressions of an inconsistently behaving target person than subjects of low integrative complexity. The hypotheses were basically supported for female subjects, but not for male subjects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on cognitive complexity and impression formation in informal social interaction. In the typical impression formation study subjects are asked to form an impression of an unknown stimulus person described by a list of traits selected by the experimenter. The subject's impression is then usually assessed by allowing him to report an overall evaluative judgment of the other. Among the individual differences investigated, a principal research focus has involved the nature of the subject's cognitive dimensions for interpreting and understanding the behavior others.

This article focuses on the correlations between attitude toward the relevation of self-attributions and each of the indices of interpersonal construct system complexity and complexity of construct usage. Given this understanding of the nature of the measures of construct usage, the results are immensely interpretable when viewed in the context of research on the nature of self-disclosure in interaction. In the first place, those with positive attitudes toward sell-disclosure in interaction are likely to have a greater number of interactions involving the disclosure of self-attributions.

The visual effectiveness of monochromatic maps can be increased by skillful use of uniform grey tones, which enhance the clarity, readability, and aesthetic quality of such maps. The psychophysical properties of symbols printed in grey do not deviate significantly from those printed in black. This is demonstrated by examining the perception of graduated circles and line widths, utilizing both black and grey symbolization. The perception of black and grey-tone symbols did not vary significantly in either case. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Twenty boys and 20 girls at five and seven years of age in rural Guatemala were tested and then retested after a one-month interval on four conservation tasks. The conservation tasks were the following: conservation of continuous quantity, conservation of matter, and two tests of conservation of area-one with familiar and the other with unfamiliar stimulus materials. Performance on the conservation of area task with familiar stimulus materials was found to be superior to the area task with unfamiliar materials, as well as to the other conservation tasks. Conservation performance also improved from first to second testing. The results suggested that both the age at which conservation develops and the sequence of development of different conservation abilities may be affected by the use of familiar stimulus materials. Also, the importance of retesting, particularly in cross-cultural research, was discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It has been proposed that differences in cognitive systemization, particularly differences in the manner in which persons' evaluative discriminations of others in their social environment are structured, constitute one of the significant variables which determine their differentials in attraction to such others. Reasoning from a position that views interpersonal attraction as a function of need gratification, it was hypothesized that individuals would manifest differences in their attraction to others because of the differences in reinforcement resulting from their perceptions of others as either similar to or different from themselves in cognitive complexity. Four specific predictions derived from this general hypothesis were tested in an experiment involving the exposure to both cognitively complex and cognitively simple 5s of the responses of either a cognitively simple or cognitively complex fictitious stranger, with the assessment of the degree of attraction to each by means of Byrne's attraction scale. The results of these manipulations clearly substantiated three of the four predictions, and in the case of the remaining one were in the expected direction, thus generally supporting the more basic hypothesis. Certain unanticipated findings, which seemed explainable in terms of initially unforeseen differences in reinforcement possibilities, were discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Attitude tasks, which were designed to be similar to the nonnormative verbal operant Taffel task in terms of availability of response classes and/or explicit presentation of response classes, yielded results that were consistent with results obtained with the verbal operant task. Specifically, the present attitude conditioning experiment yielded a large number of aware Ss, and conditioning effects only for aware Ss. When sources of complexity were eliminated from normative tasks, Ss did not appear to perceive and interact with them in a fashion that is fundamentally different from the way in which they deal with nonnormative tasks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Forty male subjects learned a six-item paired associates list in which the compound stimulus terms contained some items consistent with subjects' attitudes and others that were not. Learning occurred under neutral instructions or with instructions designed to arouse motivation to attend to the nonsupportive elements of the cue. A recall test examining differences in strength of recall of the cue components for subjects given different instructions indicated that selective attention mediated the relationship between attitudes and learning. When cognitive "balance" was the primary motivational force, then consistent information was assimilated best. However, when a new motivation was aroused, inconsistent information was acquired, as well as consistent in- formation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In two experiments, the relationship between attitudinal affect and cognition, in terms of Fishbein's (3, 4, 5) model of attitude structure, was investigated, including attempts to delineate some of the factors that might affect the strength of any such relationship. These factors included the source of beliefs (whether freely elicited from the subjects or standard beliefs supplied by the experimenter), the number of beliefs, and the type of belief statement. When wide variation in the level of correlation across attitude objects was noted in the first experiment, a final factor, the type of concept, was also included. hi general, the results suggested that the relationship between affect and cognition is more complex than previously thought. Only the type of belief statement showed a straightforward effect, indicating a difference between the two types of statements used where no difference had been anticipated. Of major importance was the type of concept, which was involved in interactions with the source of beliefs and the number of belief s in the second study. The two-way interaction between concept type and belief source showed that, in terms of highest correlation with the criterion measure of affect, standard beliefs gave the highest correlations for abstract concepts, while free beliefs gave the best for both concrete issues and person concepts. Number of beliefs was also part of a triple interaction with these variables. In this case, six beliefs gave higher correlations for the abstract and concrete concepts, while three beliefs gave the best for person concepts. Using six standard beliefs gave as good a correlation with criterion, though, as did six free beliefs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The application of survey research techniques to the study of the internal organization of attitudes has resulted in findings that vary from the results of recent experimental inquiry. The behavioral and affect components of attitudes have exhibited a high correlation for both Chinese and Malay ethnic groups living in George Town, Malaysia. It has not been possible, however, to demonstrate a corresponding relationship between behavior and cognition, nor a consistent arrangement of affect and cognition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Three emphases in theories of intelligence are outlined. The first is seen to seek for invariant causal relationships underlying performance on cognitive tasks that are highly valued in an individualistic, western society. The second is concerned with the mapping of multidimensional human parameters of learning and cognition, with the use of tests that may or may not be socially useful; and the third is concerned with the relationship of skills that are indigenous in nonwestern societies to skills that have been imported from the western industrial states. The role of factor analysis in setting up a model for testing the interrelationships of three kinds of tests associated with the main theoretical emphases is examined. Dimensions of indigenous, and possibly affective, behavior for one African society are outlined, and it is concluded that theories of intelligence are incomplete without reference to the centrality of affect and values in determining the directions that human abilities will follow in different societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Birth order and sex data were obtained from 80 Ss, who also expressed their aesthetic preferences for polygons varying in complexity-simplicity and produced a drawing of the human figure which was rated for detail. As predicted, firstborn Ss drew more complex (more detailed) drawings than did later born Ss, and females preferred more polygon complexity than males. Perception of complexity (in polygons) and production of complexity (detail in drawings) showed no significant relationship. Additional hypotheses are discussed, and the results related to previous findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study was based on the contention that prior demonstrations of a facilitating effect of distraction during a persuasive message on persuasibility may have been due to perceptions on the part of subjects that the opinion items following the message were measures of their powers of concentration under adverse conditions. The effects of two levels of distraction upon persuasibility were evaluated under conditions whereby subjects were led to believe that the distraction was intentional and accidental. Level of distraction was directly related to persuasibility under the condition of perceived intentionality only. In a further analysis, it was found that subjects in the High Distraction, Intentional Group who reported that they thought that they were being tested on their powers of concentration showed significantly more persuasibility than a Base Line Group of subjects, who had not been distracted. The balance of subjects in the Intentional Condition showed significantly less persuasibilty than the Base Line Group. An interpretation of this latter and unexpected finding was offered, based on the concept of "demand characteristics." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sixty-two Ss were run in three conditions in the PDG: both Ss in a dyad predicted the Other's strategy choices (P × P), one S in a dyad predicted but not the Other (P × C), neither S in a dyad predicted (C × C). None of the conditions produced differences either in the dyadic analyses or in the individual analyses. However, when only those Ss who predicted better than chance were chosen (realists), they were found to cooperate less than either the nonrealists or the nonpredictors. Since the realists predicted fewer cooperations and since their partners in the dyads cooperated no less than the corresponding Ss in the nonrealist dyads, it was concluded that realism is a cognitive property of the S rather than a situational factor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In two Luchins-type impression formation experiments, both using an afteronly design, nonvolunteer college students were exposed to short communications describing the personality of a well known sports figure positively (i.e., friendly, outgoing, generous) and/or negatively (i.e., unfriendly and unsocial). The following results were obtained: 1. Primarily based on an Einstellung hypothesis, it was posited that cognitive "organization" would decrease and indecision increase, the less familiar was the subject of the communications and the less salient were impressions of him. It was predicted that one result would be an increased incidence of neutral ratings on items asking raters for their impressions of the subject. The findings strongly support this hypothesis. The tendency to rate neutral was more prevalent when impressions of the subjects were nonsalient, or minimally salient, than when they were salient, and most prevalent when nonsalience interacted with unfamiliarity. 2. It also was predicted from Einstellung that under conditions of nonsalience a kind of primacy effect would result. That is, when cognitive organization is reduced, the first communication because it supplies the recipient with new organization should have greater potency than the last. Therefore, greater incongruent impression change (i.e., weakening original impressions) should result when recipients' initial exposure is to a communication dissonant with their original impressions than to a communication consonant with their original impressions. In this study, since recipients' original impressions of the subject were positive, the hypothesis would be confirmed if more negative responses resulted from exposure to a negative-positive sequence than to a positive-negative sequence of communications. The hypothesis was in fact supported with raters highly familiar with the subject, but was not supported with raters unfamiliar with the subject. If a positive correlation exists between interest and familiarity, then it is possible to explain this finding by suggesting that the low familiarity group may have lacked sufficient interest to attend to the stimuli. 3. The results also indicated a tendency toward recency when salience was high. Since salience may "naturally" interact with familiarity, the role of familiarity in primacy-recency would appear, therefore, to be more complex than has been intimated in the literature. In fact, a recent study by Sears and Freedman (28) finds that even the expectation of unfamiliarity may serve as a potent catalyst for increasing the effectiveness of a persuasive appeal. Although the experiments reported here originally were intended to clarify the familiarity relationship in impression formation, their results raise many more questions about that variable than they answer. A U curve hypothesis, designed to reconcile the apparent inconsistency between an unfamiliarity-rccency finding in opinion change and unfamiliarity-primacy in impression formation, received only weak support, and a final decision accepting or rejecting that hypothesis was deferred until more definitive evidence can be gathered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A semantic differential study of professional self-conception in 1483 women teacher trainees confirmed the following hypotheses: with Protestants as the comparison group, Brightness is correlated higher with Neatness in Roman Catholics; lower with Neatness, Rapport, and Power in Atheists and Agnostics; and higher with Rapport and Power in Jews. Jews rated themselves highest followed by Protestants and Catholics. Atheists and Agnostics were much lower than other groups. Some socially bound cognitive and interpersonal patterns in educational settings are discussed in the light of the findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a study, which attempts to demonstrate the importance of demand characteristics as a confounding factor in psychological experiments, particularly in those experiments that deal with the "new look" in perception. According to the authors, the effects of demand characteristics have been demonstrated in sensory-deprivation experiments and in an experiment on cognitive consistency. These studies have demonstrated that the subjects can pick up cues from the experimental situation and, on that basis alone, respond in a manner consistent with the experimental hypotheses being tested. The demand characteristics of the experiment can never be completely eliminated, but investigators must not confuse responses to these demands with responses to the independent variable. In this experiment, the control-drug condition produced results such that if the context of the experiment were unknown they would seem to uphold the results of previous studies, yet it is clear that the results obtained are artifacts of the experimental design.

The article discusses the relationships between various social and political attitudes and the relationships between such attitudes and individual personality. It did not take long to establish the fact that a person's attitudes are not isolated from one another, but combine to form consistent patterns and configurations of attitudes that emerge as political or social ideologies or as systems of values. As such they provide consistent frames of reference that play crucial roles in cognition and perception. Psychologist A.L. Edwards found that the high degree of interrelationship of attitudes and values provides a whole of such consistency that it serves as a stable frame of reference that orients cognitive factors, such as memory. This conclusion suggests the existence of a relationship between such interrelated attitudes and values and the personality as a whole. Psychologist Eric Fromm in his classic book "Escape from Freedom." discusses the type of person who wishes to escape from freedom and responsibility in order to submit to a magic helper of unlimited authority.

This article discusses changes in cognitive structure as a function of attributed motive. The early work on this problem centered on the mode of operation of such factors as the prestige of the author, and the suggestibility of the perceiver. Possibly this was done partly because of the fact that the problem had three seemingly disparate facets, but it was due partly, too, to an apparent preference by the researchers for an associationistic interpretation of psychological data. Researchers showed that reorganization processes of the cognitive field were of first importance in understanding an assertion or act. They however, tended to emphasize the understanding and cognitive aspects of the situation. They also recognized their great importance but gave proportionately greater weight to the attitude of the perceiver or evaluator in that reorganization. Among the determiners of reorganization of a given structure, context is clearly of major importance. Nevertheless, the facts of everyday life suggest that one of the more important variables in people's perception of people and the things that they do and say is the attribution of motive.

A series of visual and cognitive tasks were presented to Dutch and to Zulu subjects in South Africa. Zulus were significantly less accurate in estimating figure size and passage of time. Their error was typically under-estimation. The greatest difference, however, was the difficulty Zulu subjects had in attempting to locate a simple two-dimensional geometric figure embedded in a more complex design. This study, and the others which have been cited, confirm the propositions that certain perceptual organizations are characteristic of cultural groups, that even relatively "simple" processes may be affected by environmental conditions, and furthermore that some of these perceptual skills may not be re-acquired even after extensive education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A total of 80 subjects, ranging in age from 13 to 17, were tested individually. The checkerboard mazes used contained a drawing in each of 36 squares. The squares were separated by vertical and horizontal pathways. The degree of freedom of choice was varied by allowing the subject to choose a route through the pathways or by requiring him to trace a penciled route someone else had already drawn. In Experiment A the degree of freedom was further restricted for half the subjects through motivational factors that stressed speedy responses and were intended to place subjective limits on available time. The degree of freedom also varied with the structure of the maze. In the maze presented five times in Experiment A and six times in Experiment B, any route led to the goal; the subsequent maze had a few paths blocked but otherwise was similar to the preceding maze; the last maze was a new one, with a different set of pictures, and with only one route to the goal unblocked. Subjects who copied others' paths took significantly more time to get to the goal and showed less recall of the pictures than those who chose their own paths. This finding indicates that what is learned may differ when one imitates a solution compared to when one initiates a solution. The results in the main support expectations drawn from the thesis that the greater the degree of freedom to decide on a solution (conversely, the fewer the restrictions on decision making), the more effective the learning. The results also support expectations derived from experiments on Einstellung effect. In particular, speed-motivating factors, as predicted from experiments on Einstellung, made for more rapid responses but also for more errors, less variety in response, more adherence to a pattern, and less recall of the pictures. In Experiment A and B different subjects received different tasks. In Experiment C, where only the unblocked maze was used, the same subject first traced others' routes in five mazes and then chose his own routes in five mazes or the other way around. Results were found to differ significantly depending on the nature of the task--tracing or free-choice--and on the order of presentation. Whereas opportunities for decision making seemed to make for more rapid solution of subsequent tracing tasks, initial tracing tasks did not seem to help subsequent original work. Significantly more recall of the pictures was found when the questioning took place immediately after free-choice tasks than when it took place immediately after tracing tasks. Possible explanations of the results were given in terms of the concept of Einstellung or set and the related concepts of centering and cognitive maps. Allusion was also made to what is known about part-whole learning. Limitations of the findings were discussed as were possible implications for education, role-playing, and psycho therapy. The pictures which were most frequently recalled were generally near the goal or the starting and/or of personal significance to the subjects. As possible explanations of the findings, reference was made to a goal-gradient hypothesis, serial effects, and personal values as determinants of perception. It was noted that none of these hypotheses by itself could account for all aspects of the recall. Experimental means of deciding among the hypotheses were described as were other suggestions for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A description of the problem of intellectual inhibition has been followed by a brief outline of the principal manifestations of intellectual inhibition and a discussion of some of the methods that have been devised for overcoming this problem. The implicit awareness of affect-impulse factors influencing cognition has been indicated in scientific literature since the time of Francis Bacon, yet many scientists, including psychologists, have ignored. this phenomenon. It is only when we make the problem explicit by description and definition that we can begin to understand it and answer it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reports that the instructed majority technique is an effective way of bringing about a shift in a social attitude. The nationalist group shifted more than did the internationalist group, but most people in both groups did change as predicted. There is an alternative interpretation which also merits consideration. D. Krech, R.S. Crutchfield and others have treated attitude as a two-component phenomenon, part cognitive-perceptual and part emotional. It might be suggested, therefore, that for some people certain symbols (nationalist or internationalist) became conditioned signs of anxiety during the experiment. One of the important findings in this investigation was that the level of anxiety plays an important role in the shift of a social attitude. It can be theorized that it probably plays an important role in the formation of a new attitude. Certainly anxiety is a factor the importance of which should be carefully considered in any future investigation of attitude shift employing subjects at defined levels of anxiety in both the nationalist and internationalist groups.

In order to examine the hypothesis that an intensity dimension of class consciousness exists and plays some significant part in this complex of affective and cognitive dispositions, a survey involving a nationally representative cross section of the adult American public was designed and carried out in March, 1950. Person-to-person interviews were conducted with 1,270 persons wherein they were systematically questioned with regard to class identification, felt strength of belongingness, political alignment, government ownership and control of big industries, the desirability of a working class political party, and the class membership of certain hypothetical persons who were described to them merely in terms of some single belief statement. The resulting data were analyzed with regard to the correlations between felt strength of belonging to a social class and occupational position as well as between felt strength of belonging and each of the aforementioned variables. Significant and positive relations were found to exist in each case, and in general the data may be viewed as a demonstration that an individual's strength of membership feeling in a social class, either in itself or as an index to some more fundamental determinant, is widely involved in his responses to his social world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We have provided a digest of three experiments which illustrates the usefulness of the adjective-checking method for estimating qualities of the self. No argument is advanced that this is the only appropriate method. The conclusion is warranted that the method is suitable for getting at meaningful self attributes quickly and with a minimum of effort. In this methodological report we have indicated that the self is a cognitive structure, a product of inference. We have also indicated that our syntax makes necessary the use of adjectives in describing these inferences. We have demonstrated that the adjective-checking method does distinguish the self-perceptions of persons who are grouped according to meaningful social and psychological variables. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present study is most particularly interested in the manner in which the individual (interpreter) makes use of the dynamic-cognitive processes intermediate between perception and reactive responses to stimuli taken as signs and symbols. This complex of activities is called interpretive processes, or simply interpretation. As conceived here, interpretation is a higher order process involving perceptual conceptualizing, and motivational factors; it is what the interpreter does to his experience to make it significant or meaningful; it is the basis of his unconscious and conscious judgments. Interpretive processes are assumed to occur at a level of complexity in human behavior to warrant their consideration as personality-discriminative. An understanding of interpretive processes is envisaged as providing the basis for an understanding of value judgments, these taken as being among the central processes around which individual orientation develops and is sustained. The tri-dimensional framework of semiotic and the "modes of signifying" which are suggested by Charles W. Morris constitute the point of departure for a psycholinguistic technique of analysis. The analytic technique used in this study is concerned with the more obvious and apparent functions of language. It is interested in the manner in which the individual uses his language. By borrowing, adding to, and deleting from the distinctions and terminology of Morris, a method of analysis has been developed whereby the various functions intended by or determined by the interpreter are codified into six major categories. These major categories are further subdivided into detailed sub-categories. In general, the major categories agree with the terminology and definitions of Morris; the sub-categories constitute refinements and modifications of his system. Thus his categories were expanded to include: designators, appraisors, prescriptors, formators, identifiors, and subjectifiors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses about the effect of strong negative attitudes on the placement of items in a Thurstone scale. Proponents of the "New Look" in perception and cognition have challenged psychometrician L.L. Thurstone's assumption that the sorting of items into an attitude scale is independent of the attitude of the judges. They have argued that individuals whose personal attitudes would place them at one end of a scale will displace the items, which they sort toward the other end of the scale. The student body as a whole was characterized by anti-Jewish feeling. Nevertheless those judges who rated items pertaining to Jews did not place the items any nearer the favorable end of the scale than did those who rated the same items with no group specified. Additional support for the Thurstone technique was found in the fact that the Arab subjects who sorted the same items as had American subjects gave them quite similar scale values.

The article argues that education in a university or college course should be a discipline of the kind that would lead students by stages to an informed and increasingly personal concept of what schooling and learning involve. The fundamental subject-matter of education is people learning things and people learning to live in their times. This is in part an intellectual study, in part an exercise involving sympathy and intuition. Cognitive knowledge is no substitute for that interior knowledge on which in due course cognitive knowledge will draw and by which it will be enriched or remain a knowledge of externals only. The process of understanding remains inexplicable. It is natural that people should learn to dance, speak, draw, and, later on, to reason. First to learn to understand children more knowledgeably, without sentimentality, but with an increasingly disciplines and relevant intuition and sympathy. A treatment of education as a subject must lie in continued recollection of children, schools and the actual conditions of life.

Discusses the importance of topoi in human recall. Benefits of topoical system for identification of places, for both human and artificial systems; Role of topoi in human cognition; Use of cue-producing responses for activation of various dimensions of superordinate system.

Since its early beginning, the sociology of knowledge has brought lively debate concerning the epistemologieal relevance of some of its assertions. Especially have the controversial writings of Karl Mannheim provoked discussion. His thesis is that human thought arises and operates not in a social vacuum but in a definite social milieu, and that each man's intellectual outlook is only a collection of unconscious dements acquired from his social setting. Thus each person proceeds from what appears to him to be self-evident truths but which are not so obvious to those with different social backgrounds. This socially determined system of assumptions determines the thinker's whole system of opinions and is called by Mannheim a "total ideology" as distinguished from the Marxian "particular ideology" which views only certain ideas as ideological. That is to say, Mannheim defines a "total conception of ideology" as a person's whole mode of conceiving things as determined by his historical and social setting whereas the "particular conception" refers only to specific assertions which may be regarded as ideological. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the importance of psychology in the training of teachers. A psychological approach on the part of those who discuss education, and official acceptance of the belief that teachers require special training for their work do not, however, carry with them the consequence that psychology will be accorded a place in the training of teachers. Recognition of psychology as a science was long delayed; and deliberate inclusion of psychology as a field of study in training colleges is still far from universal. Psychology began as a sub-section of philosophy, as that portion of metaphysical study concerned with the soul or states of consciousness or mind. Its provinces were cognition, emotion and will--the laws of thought, suggestion and association. But later it had expanded to include imagination, attention and interest, the learning of language and the apprehension of mathematical concepts. In this form it was commended to the attention of educators. All of this was significantly related to the field of the training of teachers.

This article presents information related to amorous sexuality. The urge to obtain release of genital tension, typically in the sexual act, called the "detumescence impulse." Fundamentally, this impulse is without social reference; it may be aroused and satisfied as an altogether individual function; it may be elicited solely by local stimuli, and masturbation may be compared with the act of scratching a skin area in response to sensations of itching. The second impulse is entirely distinct, genetically; it is the impulse of "contrectation." It is expressed in the visual fascination of the sexes with each other, in the inclination to approach, to touch and caress. If the first datum of erotic psychology is the attraction of the sexes, the second must be the selectivity of this attraction. Assuming amorous fixation to be a sublimative phenomenon, it remains to discover those stimuli which prepotently arouse desire to the degree correlating with the strength of fixation. Everyone is to some degree a fetishist in amorous interest. In the familiar and altogether normal preference for certain colorings of eyes and hair, for stature and figure, there are the beginnings; there is a minor as well as a major fetishism. In developed form the term denotes simply the exaggerated sexual importance attached to a "secondary and insignificant detail," the amount of such exaggeration being a measure of the departure from normality.

This article focuses on the effect of season of birth upon individual intangibles such as personality. The search of astrologists to explain personal variations by zodiacal birth signs may well be likened to the alchemists' search for the philosopher's stone, and has been as fruitless. In recent years, however, various researchers have systematically attempted to find out whether there is any relation between season of birth and intelligence, an aspect of personality which at the present date is the most accurately and most commonly measured of personal qualities. In order to offer additional evidence about the relation of month of birth and intelligence, the intelligence scores of the 1,395 inmates of Auburn Prison were compared with season of birth to discover what the seasonal values might be, and whether if any difference which existed was significant. The men were separated into Negroes and white men to discover any color differences. Although every effort is made to classify a man as accurately as possible, various factors may affect a man's score. Usually when he is first tested, he has been in the receiving prison a short time and is in a confused, tense, and unadjusted state.

The article focuses on the development of consciousness of self and the emergence of racial identification in African American preschool children. Speculations concerning the nature of the self and the development of consciousness of self have long been a significant part of psychology. A daily observations and records of a child's speech in normal family situations from birth to one and one-half years has been made. The term consciousness of self may be considered as awareness of self as a distinct person; as distinct from other groups of things or individuals. The term race consciousness is here defined as conscious- ness of self as belonging to a specific group, which is differentiated from other groups by obvious physical characteristics. It is hereby assumed that race consciousness and racial identification are indicative of particularized self-consciousness. A modification of the Horowitz picture technique was used in the article. A definite delimitation of the self on the part of these children occurs between the three- and four-year age levels. The dropping out of irrelevant choices of the lion, dog, clown, and hen indicates the attainment of a developmental level where consciousness of self is in terms of a distinct person.

The article determines the general trends of the effects of the educational system on an unselected group of inferior as compared with an unselected group of superior school children. Two groups of children were selected for purposes of this study. The first group consisted of 51 children with intelligent quotient (IQ) of 110 or over and the second group consisted of 51 children below 90 in IQ. The object of the investigation was to compare the kind and degree of personality and behavior maladjustments of the above two groups. This was carried out by means of a rating scale of 102 personality and behavior maladjustments. An interesting light is thrown on the personality traits of inferior children by the tendency found in them to play with children younger than themselves. One element in this seems to be their urge to dominate which, not receiving any adequate outlet with children of their own age, seeks its outlet with smaller and younger children. This is probably accentuated by the feelings of inferiority of inferior children, which make them bolster up their ego by overcompensation in bossing these younger children.

Discusses the distinction between two categories of argument, designated as appeals to reasoning and appeals to emotion. Argument that activation and cognition demonstrate independence; Identification of elements of a speech which correspond to psychological functions of cognition and activation; Evaluation of concept association.

The article presents information on risky shift effect and group pressure effect. Comparisons of individual versus group decisions with respect to level of risks have been made in many experiments. In the majority of studies and for most kinds of decisions, the group decision was more risky than the average of the risk-taking propensities of group's members. This phenomenon has been called the risky shift effect. On issues producing a risky shift most individuals are risky, therefore a randomly selected group would often be composed of a majority of high-risk takers. Group pressure by the majority might lead the minority to conform, thereby producing a risky shift.