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Between the end of the Canton Crisis of 181-15, and the Bank of England Crisis of 1825, the financial usages of European houses in China had become better defined. Increased reliance and valuations upon negotiable paper instruments of finance were apparent. Quite apart from the extensive use of the East India Co.'s remittance paper as negotiable in India and China, the provision of private credit facilities for private trade in India and China were now explicit. Records of short-term lending on the spot and deposit accounts were now in evidence. The individual consigner of Indian cottons and opium who surveyed on a large scale for the China market could now also obtain direct credit backing from China agencies, albeit at the exorbitant rate of ten to 12 per cent. Indian agents of the China houses were also encouraging and financing groups of small investors under joint consignment accounts. In turn, the China houses now had sizeable credit accounts with their London, England, agents, which they covered by the periodic hypothecation of China goods to the United States. For a good many years the London money crisis of 1825-6 was slowly but clearly building up. In the build-up of the crisis conditions, the Bank of England was not above blame. Some China houses had not yet reached this level of rationale in their financial affairs, but the new mood of independence was symptomatic of the important changes through which the system was undergoing.

The present paper summarizes papers given at the 8th International Family Research Seminar in Oslo, Norway, 1963, which describe and explain differential frequencies of those decisions to marry which result in teenage marriage. Sociological analysis of marriage usually points out that age at marriage varies with the type of society and, therefore, reflects the stage of industrialization and urbanization. The lowest ages at marriage are generally found in peasant agricultural countries, such as India and China. During the rapid growth phase of urban industrial nations, age at marriage apparently rises, but later the age at marriage once again turns downward, though not rapidly. One way of viewing trends of teenage marriage is in terms of the percentage of males and females under 20 years of age involved in marriages contracted. During 1961, in 6% of all marriages contracted in Yugoslavia one or both spouses were under the age of 18. However, in such marriages the wife was under 18 years of age in 91 % of the cases, the husband in only 9 %. From 1953-1961 there was a gradual decrease in the percentage married under 18 years from 6.6 % to 6.0 %.

The article presents information on the beginning of credit finance on the China coast. The volume and area of the Chinese trade in private hands expanded as the English East India Company abandoned its Indian trade monopoly in 1813 and its China trade monopoly in 1834. The market for Chinese goods in the United States also developed, at first on the initiative of the American houses on the Atlantic seaboard and then with the connivance of English agency houses. Western finance on the Chinese Coast at the time was confined almost exclusively to the entrepreneurial context of trade, hence it was from the extension of trade that advances were made in methods of finance. The eastward expansion of the China trade to the Atlantic seaboard of the United States brought China traders into the financial orbit of Philadelphia (in the twenties) and New York. The crisis of 1812-1815 forced the China houses to experiment with private bills and, after the crisis, to develop their use. It also illustrated the main elements upon which the earlier China trade was based, and the weaknesses of large scale and expanding trade operations entirely based upon bullion movements.

The iron and steel manufacturing apparatus in mainland China has been developed through several major stages, each of which manifests a distinctive pattern underlined by certain overriding factors. From the embryonic period at the turn of this century to World War II, transportation, capital availability, and market condition were alternately the chief determinant in the location of this industry. Since the Communist take-over and through the various construction and expansion programs, particularly as a result of the development of new resources, a new pattern has taken shape which tends to guide the future growth of this industry. This paper offers a locational analysis of the major nuclei in the emerging pattern and their effect upon the development of the secondary centers in the various regions of China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Malthusian theories are not an exclusive intellectual discovery of European writers. They have occurred elsewhere, in period of rapid population increase. In this paper, a Chinese example is analysed and the relevant essays translated. The essays were written at the same time that Malthus published his ideas and contain most of Ii is philosophical notions but are not supported by any statistical evidence. Unlike those of Malthus in Europe they did not evoke any controversy in China, although their author was well known as a man of letters and close to the central authority. Today, of course, Malthusianism is a subject much discussed in China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In his analysis of choke of technique in China, Shigeru Ishikawa argues that changes in choice of technique remit both from changes in objectives and limiting factors and from expansion in the range of technical alternatives available, and suggests that Chinese planners in the post-Cultural Revolution period enjoy a substantially wider range of alternatives than was available at the time of the Great Leap Forward. In this paper we accept Dr. Ishikawa's findings that there was a marked advance in the level of technologies and techniques attained in the modern manufacturing sector and considerable progress in the techniques of small-scale industries in China in the 1960's, and examine some of the factors that contributed to this increase in the range of technologies during this period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attempts to uncover what seem to be the principal problems pertaining to the choice of technology and technique which the Chinese planners have faced in each of several phases since the inception of the Chinese People's Republic, and examines the way in which the Chinese have apparently attempted to solve these problems. Although some attempt is made to evaluate the main findings, lack of information still prevents a detailed evaluation of the specifies of the Chinese choice of technology and technique, and of its relevance elsewhere, and attention is mainly concentrated here on the broad nature of the problems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents comments of the author on a paper on the iron and steel industry by Kuei-Sheng Chang. He has adopted a useful approach in analyzing the locational pattern in terms of major nuclei associated with secondary centers in the various regions in China. Based on my current research, however, I fear that the picture of Communist China's iron and steel industry that emerges in this paper is one exaggerated achievement and it is likely to mislead some readers who have not followed recent developments.

The section of "Yarn Production and Properties" focuses on the progress of technologies in the field of yarn production. It is stated that a steady progress has been seen recently in traditional methods of yarn production, the large-scale establishment of new areas of technology, and the prospect of commercial exploitation of even newer concepts within the not too distant future. It is also reported that the pace of technological developments was described in a recent paper presented to the Overseas Conference of the Textile Institute in Hong Kong, China in November, 1973.

The article comments on trade and finance in China in the period 1784-1834. The first contrasts the decline of the great monopolistic companies with the rise of the free trade elements, and the second looks upon the trade as a bilateral buyer-seller relationship. The first covers the rivalries between the European elements, the second provides the basis of interpreting European relations with China. In most studies, a combination of both patterns are used, but always with an eye to the elements of contrast rather than those of similarity. Hence the differences between the great companies and the private traders are seen to work towards the eventual dissolution of the great Companies. In concentrating on the rivalry between the Company and the private traders, and on the deterioration of relations with China, the real significance of the opium trade is often missed. The first point requiring re-emphasis is that opium was the first commodity in over two hundred years of western trade to China which made a substantial impact on the China market, it was one of the main causes for the subsequent reversal of China's trade balance. Until then silver dollars were the main means of payment for the purchase of Chinese products.

This article analyzes the population policy in mainland China. Population policy in Communist China has little demographic significance. It is of interest mainly for what it reveals about the nature of the administrative and decision making process in Peking. Although evidence is often ambiguous, distinct phases of population policy can be distinguished, during which policy shifted from categoric denial of population problems to an endorsement of birth control and back to the denial of population problems.

Discusses the climatic maps of proper China and Manchuria according to the Thornthwaite 1948 classification. Formula for computing the potential evapotranspiration; Presentation of climatic conditions; Classes of maps presented by Thornthwaite.

This article focuses on the personality structure of Chinese college students in Taiwan and Hong Kong, China. It is generally recognized that the social environment in which a person lives usually imposes on him certain awarenesses that may influence or alter his values, beliefs, attitudes toward self and others, or his style of life. The present paper reports the use of the Sixteen Personality Factor Questionnaire in a study of a sample of Chinese college students in two different educational and social environments--specifically, in a study of personality differences between Taiwan and Hong Kong college students. The Taiwan subjects included 159 males and 139 females enrolled at Taiwan Provincial Normal University, while the Hong Kong subjects were 93 males and 165 females attending Chu-hai College, Kowloon. The translated items were again rechecked and modified by the consensus of several Chinese social scientists. Within the female group, eight of the personality differences exceeded the 0.05 level of significance, while five of the male personality comparisons exceeded the 0 .05 level.

The article presents a response of the author on comments made by scholar Theodore Shabad on his paper on the iron and steel industry in China. The study of any important aspect of the industrial geography of Communist China involves difficulties and pitfalls seldom encountered in other endeavors. I fully understand what Shabad means by the frustrating process he himself is now engaged in. Aware of limitations of individual effort, from the outset I choose only a limited objective to offer a locational analysis of the major nuclei in the emerging pattern and their effect upon the development of secondary centers in the various regions of China.

Oral tradition states that the first Chinese cemetery in Victoria, Canada, was possibly west of Swan Lake, but its precise location and history are unknown. The application of an ideal Feng Shui topographic model and the use of aerial photographs, cadastral and topographic maps, material in Chinese archives, and records of the Land Registry Office, show that the Chinese Association in Victoria purchased a plot of land north of Swan Lake in 1891. The site could not be used as a cemetery because of objection by residents in the vicinity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From mortality levels in 1949 similar to those in the United States during the nineteenth century, China claims to have reduced mortality to levels comparable to those in the United States 30 years ago. The data used in this study come from Chinese medical research journals, which are published in Chinese and English for both the Chinese and international medical communities. It may be argued that the vital statistics in such publications are presented for propaganda purposes specifically by boosting morale or setting examples. If the health conditions of town dwellers had improved more rapidly than those of the rural populace, this would tend to bias reporting because hospitals and public health organizations located in urban areas contribute more information than rural areas, despite overall improvement in data collecting. With such a history of high mortality, the 1953 census statistics and concurrent large-scale vital registration surveys present an incredibly low death rate of 17 per thousand. Historically, infant mortality has been more affected by economic and political disruptions in the environment than has adult mortality. Infant mortality, always high in China, rose during the war years to 200 per thousand live births in some rural districts.

The article focuses on historical materials on a model capitalist industry in Shanghai, China. On the establishment of the Shanghai Tobacco Workers' Union, the workers seized the opportunity to make various demands for an improvement in their livelihood. The capitalists at first tried to suppress the workers, but after realizing that the workers were united as one, all members of the administrative staff were in fact admitted to the Association, in which senior members of the staff were in complete control of its most powerful organ. The workers launched a full-scale attack and the entire committee was forced to resign. Most of the new committee members elected were workers and it was only then that the Association became exclusively a trade union of the workers. The total number of male and female workers on the day and night shifts of the South Seas Brothers Tobacco Company is over six thousand, and they feel that maintaining their livelihood has been difficult over the past year. The workers have made a total of seventeen demands, but there are no details on all of them.

Japanese fishing in the coastal waters of China and Korea has often caused serious disputes and was, at times, held by these two countries as a political pawn against Japan. Fishery disputes between Japan and Korea date from the fifteenth century, but culminated in an unprecedented hostility over fourteen years up to 1965. The fisheries agreement of 1965 restored peace between the parties, but is in need of review. Since 1955 fishery relations between China and Japan are regulated by nongovernmental arrangements. Preparations are under way for a formal agreement, where- upon Japan will seek to remove some of the restrictions imposed on its fishermen by China. An ideal method to regulate fishing in such enclosed waters as the Yellow and East China Seas is to conclude a multilateral treaty. Apart from the political relations among the coastal states, the outcome of the Third Law of the Sea Conference may improve the prospect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this study is to try to clarify the conditions of the family in present-day China, more precisely the changes it has undergone since the establishment of the Communist regime in 1949. Because of the lack of a sufficient variety of material resulting from the prevailing political situation, the part of this study that concerns present day China is largely based upon an analysis of documents published by the Chinese Communists; wherever possible people have tried to supplement these sources with accounts by visitors from outside. Thus, pending more detailed information on the subject of the family in Communist China, this investigation necessarily becomes provisional in character. Its lasting value may lie, we hope, in the attempts it makes, on the one hand to view the family as a constituent part of society and as such to assess its significance for the total social fabric, and on the other hand to consider the present transformation of the family against the background of the family in the traditional Chinese society.

The article discusses China's anthropology and policy towards minorities. Of the 583 million Chinese population as in 1954, within China 547.5 million belong to the Han nationality, while 35.5. belong to various minorities. The Chinese officially counted with some 60 minority groups. The Communist regime's policy towards the minorities had dual goal: in part to preserve and to strengthen the political unity of the country, in part to transform the entire China-included the regions of the minorities-into a modern industrialized society, and, of course, on a state-capitalistic basis. All minorities shall have the right to develop their own spoken or written languages, to preserve or reform their traditions, customs and religious belief. The Central Government shall help the minorities in their political, economical, cultural and pedagogical work of construction. The Chinese anthropologists stress out that there is a final goal superior to all the other ones, and it is the task of politics to coordinate the movements towards the realization of this goal, which is, then, defined as the complete political, social and economical equality between all Chinese.

A cross-cultural comparison was made between Dogmatism scores of British and Hong Kong Chinese students. The mean D score of Hong Kong subjects was significantly higher than the mean score of British subjects. It is suggested that Hong Kong subjects may be more closed-minded than British subjects, or they may be more acquiescent. For Chinese-English bilingual subjects the mean score on a Chinese translation of the D scale was significantly higher than the mean score on the English language scale. This last finding is considered to have important implications for cross-cultural measurement using verbal instruments, and it may also be relevant to studies in linguistic relativity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this study, ten Rorschach responses were determined as populars for the normal Chinese adults, based upon a sample of 347 respondents, and a set of six sample statistics of number and percentage was calculated for the nonweighted and weighted populars. In addition, some intra- and cross-cultural comparisons were made between our list and those of other authors, and at least one popular. Card VI W Turtle, can be considered as unique to the normal Chinese adults. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses aspects of local government and politics in China during 1955 to 1958. A description of China's political system lacks balance if it is preoccupied with its centralized, efficient, monolithic control aspects. A considerable amount of politics occurs on the local level. There is a great deal of variation and subtlety in the Chinese political system. Almost wherever one looks in local government, one sees the need to make distinctions--between central tasks and subsidiary tasks, between the backgrounds, skills, and values of different local officials, and between vertical functional control and horizontal party control. The local political process worked quite differently in early 1957, when the centre fostered a climate, which tolerated a certain amount of debate, than in early 1958, when the centre issued its clarion call for the Great Leap Forward. There were important differences between local levels, namely, the country, the district, the township, and the cooperative. This article has tended to lump these levels together. Temporal differences, variations among systems, and distinctions between levels added to the complexity of local government.

Manifold factors have been identified as causal mechanisms in social change, but an important one—temporality—has been neglected. Temporality is the social time that characterizes any society, and that social time is consequential for the rate and direction of change. The three dimensions of temporality are temporal pattern, temporal orientation, and temporal perspective. The differences between the Japanese and Chinese along these three dimensions help explain their differential responses to the 19th century Western challenge. Specifically, two propositions are examined in the light of the historical data: a society's temporality limits the range of adaptive responses to new circumstances, and the symbols of social time act as a mechanism of social control. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article describes institutionalized motivation for family planning in China. Chinese developmental model has adopted historically unique models. The government has experimented with three approaches to modernization. The earliest Soviet model featured investment in urban-based heavy industry and rapid social mobility for the middle strata was stressed. In the second, a transitional approach, China's "New Economic Plan" allowed greater freedom to market forces, encouraging profit from agricultural investment and trade. During these years Chinese citizens were encouraged to reduce fertility to gain economic rewards, to win higher social positions, and to avoid political pressure. This was preceded and succeeded by a third, so-called Maoist economic plan in late 1957-59 and again from 1966 to the present. The Maoist approach aims at halting the urbanization process and the partial industrialization of rural areas. Income differentials by geographical location, occupation and social rank are narrowed. The political values for leaders stress service to the community without material incentives. The schools and mass media curb competition for individual achievement and upward mobility.

Since 1949 marital postponement has been extensively discussed in China. Furthermore, unlike some other means of fertility control, marital postponement has been received with the fewest misgivings. Not only was encouragement to delay marriage made part and parcel of social and family reform long before the decision to promote planned reproduction in China, but it has also become an integral component of the efforts to arrest the nation's demographic momentum since the 1950's. Moreover, following an interlude of quiet dissemination of contraceptive advice and devices from 1959 to 1962, exhortations to marry later constituted the prologue to a continuing phase of family planning activities in China. Yet, details of this Chinese discussion of marital postponement have been neither fully described nor analysed, outside China. The article presents a comprehensive account of the discussion of marital postponement in China during the birth-control campaign of the last two decades and also discusses its implications for the current fertility controversy outside of China.

This article focuses on sterilization, oral contraception, and population control in China. In the early spring of 1962 China resumed public discussions and propaganda in favour of late marriage. Events since then have made it abundantly clear that this open advocacy of marriage postponement constituted but a prologue to a new phase of fertility control activities. This bland re-opening of the birth control issue may well have been due to domestic considerations. In any case, the recent promotion of late marriage was initially not explicitly linked to the question of fertility control; its keynote was: "it is not good to get married and give birth to a child too early in life." Thus, the recent campaign to encourage late marriage with its accompanying emphasis upon personal well-being and the welfare of mothers and children may have been deliberately tactful. It reiterated the official position on the need for birth control, and simultaneously and simply laid the basis for the re-activation of the fertility control activities that were to come shortly.

Recent difficulties in the agricultural sector have accentuated the vital problem of China's huge population. With a population estimated to be over 700 millions, which is thought to be increasing by 15 millions annually, China has almost one-quarter of the world's total population. After a lapse of some four years China launched her second major birth control campaign during 1962. Such a decision reflected the conflict between the traditional Communist position, and the neo-Malthusian stand taken in 1957 by social activist Ma Yin-chu with his New Theory of Population. It is generally claimed that China's population is likely to reach 1,000 millions by 1980 or 1985, and about 1,200 millions by the year 2000 A.D. In most countries, which have experienced modernization, considerable increases in population have been absorbed, for a decline in mortality rates has been matched by a subsequent decline in fertility rates within a manageable period. China's need is for a far more immediate lowering of fertility rates. The alternative is that population growth will threaten the means of subsistence increasingly. Success in handling the population problem is seen by some as fundamental to the future of stable government, and yet China has not achieved any breakthrough in terms of population control, and, moreover, China's second major birth control campaign appears to have lapsed as did the earlier campaign.

The article presents a minature of Chinese population. Szechwan, the largest and most populous of the provinces in China proper, constitutes in its greater part a natural geographic region usually called the Red Basin. Except along the important rivers, its terrain varies from hilly to mountiinous, though the region is nonetheless intensively cultivated by means of elaborate terracing and irrigation devices. Sansheng hsiang, lies about six miles from Chengtu in the hills which rim the plain. A hsiang is an administrative sub-division of the hsien (county), and resembles the American township. In Szechwan it always contains at least one, and usually only one, market town. Most of Szechwan is peculiar for its lack of villages, if by the term is meant a large number of dwellings grouped together separate from the land tilled. Szechwanese farmers, as distinct from those in other parts of China proper, live in scattered households and household clusters. The population of the Chengtu area was radically altered in size and composition by the catastrophic events of the period between the Ming and Ch'ing dynasties.

Surveying the literature available in European languages, the author concludes that all past Chinese population data are inaccurate, and probably very markedly so, though there is no means at present of estimating the degree of error. This inaccuracy is attributed to a number of factors. At no time did the Government appear to realize the value of accurate population data as such, and the data actually collected have been very largely the by-products of inquiries with more immediately administrative aims. The geographical area covered by the `censuses' has varied considerably over time, and so also, either by intention or through defective organization, have the classes of the population included. Antagonism from the public has been common, arising partly from superstition but also from the association between the `censuses' and military and labour conscription and taxation. With the exception of the recent, local (hsien) censuses, uniform schedules, instructions and other census procedures have not been used. The author considers the possibilities of interpreting the population data now available for China and suggests means of collecting more accurate statistics in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the condition of poor miners in China. When miner Wang Man-hsi, who had just reached the age of sixty, returned to his home, the young people vied with each other to greet him, and surrounded him in the house. The newly painted parlor had been redecorated by the young people. Pointing to a side lantern used by miners in the old society that was hanging on the wall, a mischievous youth jokingly commented to his mother. Everybody laughed after hearing the comment. Old man Man-hsi, who was then sitting in his chair, jumped up, and taking the side lantern in his hands, said that in the old society, when miners went down into the shaft, they used two kinds of lanterns. The haulers used a lantern which was put on the head, and it was called a head lantern, the coal cutters used the lantern hung on the colliery wall, and it was called a side lantern. These lanterns burned vegetable oil, and rags were used as wicks. After his parents' death, his brother became dependent on him. Some of the uncles who used to work in the mine with his father would sometimes give them some money and grain.

The article presents information on a handbook on the technology of sheep-herding. This handbook reverses the traditional moral and political hierarchy that elevated literary amateurism above the pursuit of technical skill. The author remarks that for four generations, his ancestors herded sheep for landlords, and each generation was so poor that there was not a single tile to cover the roof and not a single plot of land to stand on. His grandfather used to be a husky fellow, but because he herded sheep for a landlord, his back became hunched, and he was afflicted with many ailments. He coughed a good deal and would spit up half a bowl of saliva mixed with blood. The author's father herded sheep for landlord Chiang Kuei-sheng, but after a year of hardships, he could no longer support his aged and bed-ridden grandfather. The author's family had to beg from relatives and friends and borrow from here and there in order to raise forty strings of cash to give to the landlord Chiang Kuei-sheng.

This article focuses on Feng Ying-ts'e who is a native of Chi-t'an Village, shansi province and a member of San-chia People's Commune there. On a December day in 1922, a blizzard hit the Han-wang Mountains and swept across the Tung-tsang River, overwhelm- ing the mountain area with its roar. Two children were bent over picking out scrap iron in a heap of coal ashes near an iron works on the northern edge of San-chia Village. They were shivering from head to toe in the blizzard. They were fourteen-year-old Wu-ch'ou and his younger brother Liu-erh. Feng Shou-heng was a villainous landlord of Chi-t'an Village. His Sons and sons-in-law were either in business in the city or in the service of the puppet government. He employed many farmhands, man-servants, and maidservants. He often boasted that the beams of all the houses in the village would shake three times if he shouted before the Grand Temple and that the leaves in the trees along the street would fall if he stamped his foot. It was the night of December 23. When Wu-ch'ou's mother breathed her last, landlord Feng Shou-heng was seeing the kitchen god off to Heaven to report his "benevolence."

The article lists one hundred items for destroying the old ideologies of the bourgeoisie and establishing the new ideologies of the proletariat especially in China. The onrushing tide of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution is just now crashing down on the remnant strength of the bourgeoisie with the might of a thunderbolt, washing the old ideology, the old culture, the old customs, and the old habits of the bourgeoisie down the stream. The present Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution must overthrow the old ideology, the old culture, the old customs, and the old habits; to rebel all out against the bourgeoisie is to completely smash the bourgeoisie, to establish the proletariat on a grand scale, to make the radiance of great Maoism illumine the entire capital, the entire nation, the entire world. Maoists are the most militant troops, the mortal enemy of the four olds; destroyers of the old world; the creators of the new world. They must raise high the great red banner of Maoism, open savage fire on the four olds, smash to bits imperialist, revisionist, and bourgeois goods and all things not in accord with Maoism.

The article presents information related to the case of Ch'en Liang, a college teacher in China. The bourgeois -reactionary line has victimized quite a few among the revolutionary masses. Ch'en Liang and his two sons died precisely because of the oppression and ill treatment caused by the bourgeois-reactionary line. These three were the victims of the bourgeois-reactionary line. As for the cause of their deaths, the people who carried out the bourgeois reactionary line on various levels should bear the inescapable responsibilities. Through the resolute struggle of the revolutionary masses, capitalist Liang Hsiang confessed by signing a statement in the auditorium of the Municipal Workers' Union on July 20, 1967, saying that Ch'en Liang and his sons died of oppression suffered under the bourgeois reactionary line. On August 2, 1967, the secretaries of the Party committee in the Municipal Bureau of Construction Work, Lai Chu-yen and Ma Ch'ing-jui, also admitted this fact. Liang Hsiang, Lai Chu-yen, and Ma Ch'ing-jui were initially adamant in refusing to rehabilitate Comrade Ch'en Liang.

The article presents the investigation report on injuries sustained by Ch'en Shui-ch'ün, an intellectual youth of China, who was murdered. She belonged to the planting group of Ta-kang Commune in P'an-yü hsien, who was believed to have been killed without any cause. Since the local public security organizations, the Party committees at various levels, and the settlement departments have neither seen nor heard anything, the cause and effect of the matter is still a mystery. A substantial initiative has been undertaken in order to express concern for intellectual youth who have experienced death and suffering and in order to expose to the world the crimes caused by revisionist Liu Shao-chi's settlement and migration policies. The article attempts to extend justice to the masses of revolutionary intellectual youths on the lowest level, who have been maligned as bad people sent down to the countryside. Based on a comprehensive investigation, several suspicious clues were discovered related to the murder.

The article focuses on the August 1st School system for children of high ranking cadres of China. The author notes that the August 1st School, under the control of the small group in power taking the capitalist road in the Peking Military District, China, has completely lost the glorious tradition of school management in the old soviet zones and has gradually fallen into the quagmire of revisionism. The main task of the school has been, on the one hand, to take good care of the children of officers, to let them live comfortably, and, on the other hand, to guarantee that these children will climb upward and be like their parents. When they grow up they will become officials and masters. For this purpose, the school authorities at the time persistently demanded increases in the rate of matriculation into higher schools. The small batch of power holders leading the August 1st school are said to collude, both with conscious intent and through unconscious influence, in order to bureaucratize the structure of the school so that their children will become careerists.

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The article discusses about communist leader of China Mao Tse-tung's conception about the nature of social inequality has undergone significant changes during his fifty-year career as a revolutionary. As a young student, he was concerned with the monopoly of power resources by the ruling elite in China. In recent years, he seems to have moved beyond Marxism by recognizing the multi-dimensional reality of social stratification. In dealing with concrete problems, Mao has contributed to the Marxist theory by affirming the existence of peasant classes as understood by peasants themselves. Since the cultural revolution in 1966, he has tried out various prescriptions for eliminating a variety of social inequalities in Chinese society.

The walls of early Chinese cities were ramparts made of compressed earth, but since about the fifteenth century, bricks and cut stones have been used to face the earth walls. Most imperial capitals and many important cities in the north had the walls of rectangular shape. In areas of rugged relief, however, a square form was usually replaced by one of irregular shape, determined in many cases by topographic conditions. The size of the walled area and the elaboration of wall construction were normally directly proportional to the rank of the city in the administrative hierarchy. The size of the enclosed area of the typical walled city decreases southward, indicative of the magnitude of regional urbanization in Ming times or earlier. At later dates, an outer wall was often erected to enclose settlement that had spread outside the city; and in many cases "multiple cities" were developed at the same locality. The Chinese walled city presented a uniform appearance unrelieved by the taller structures typical of the European city; but in comparison with many cities of the West, its internal structure was relatively flexible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on contemporary research in physical geography in the Chinese people's republic. The national program of geographical research as pursued not only in the institutions subordinated to the Chinese Academy of Sciences but also in the academic schools, is presented at the congresses of the Chinese Geographical Society. The research program being earned out at present was formulated at a congress held in Peking in January 1960. This program is characterized by its close connection with the practical needs of the national economy, and the principal objective of its activities is research leading to increased agricultural production.

This article focuses on the historical trend of the Chinese urbanization. Urbanization in China has a long traditional history during which imperial authority has acted periodically to establish walled cities designed to serve as administrative centers. A study of the growth of China in various periods can throw light on how the Chinese developed and spread their urban civilization throughout the country and can also illuminate characteristic features of China's historical geography, including territorial expansion, frontier colonization, sequent occupancy, and regional development in various parts of the country.

Explores the urban developments in China. Establishment of cities in connection with an official residence; Functions of modern Chinese cities; Factors affecting the country's development.

The article focuses on the estimation of the cities and their population in China. According to the author any figures dealing with the numbers of Chinese cities and their individual populations are at best only estimates taken from a variety of sources, most of which cannot be counted upon as being highly reliable. One of the first attempts at a listing of Chinese cities, together with their populations, was contained in "The Christian Occupation of China," a book by Milton E. Stauffer. Three hundred seventy cities with populations over 25,000 are listed by name and a population estimate given for each.

Examines the practice of rice growing in China. Methods of rice culture; Agricultural regions of China; Rice varieties;

Presents a revised map of the climates of China, which follows a slightly modified Koppen classification. Temperature and precipitation records; Major climatic realms; Dry climates of Northeast China.

Examines the impact of climate on the landscapes and the modes of human occupancy and livelihood in China. Role of climate in the production, distribution and exchange of produce; Influence of climate on methods of agriculture; Differentiation of zones of cultural features.

Provides information on the geographic research in China. Publication of several detailed geological maps; Geophysical surveys conducted by the Institutes of Physics of the Academia Sinica and National Peiping Academy; Regional study of landforms.

Explores whispered Chinese in order to demonstrate the relative intelligibility of monosyllables and sentences in whispered and voiced Chinese. Selection of individual lexical items carrying different meanings for the study; Reduction in Chinese voiced and whispered speech when heard as isolated monosyllables; Role played by the tone feature of Chinese in distinguishing one semantic item from other.

This article presents a study, which highlights educational experience, deemed as an influence on modern and traditional attitudes. The evidence is taken from Hong Kong, China to prove the hypothesis of the above study. A recurrent theme in studies of developing countries stresses the "modernizing" influence of an experience of formal education. It was hypothesized that the different educational experiences of young people in Hong Kong would be associated with patterns of response to 11 statements reflecting "modern" and "traditional" attitudes. It was hypothesized that "modern" responses to the 11 attitude statements would be associated with particular educational experiences, as follows: (a) young people with some experience of secondary education would be relatively "modern" compared with those without secondary education; (b) young people with some experience of higher education would be relatively "modern" compared with those without higher education; and (c) young people with an education exclusively in Anglo-Chinese schools would be relatively "modern" compared with those with an education exclusively in Chinese schools.