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The present paper summarizes papers given at the 8th International Family Research Seminar in Oslo, Norway, 1963, which describe and explain differential frequencies of those decisions to marry which result in teenage marriage. Sociological analysis of marriage usually points out that age at marriage varies with the type of society and, therefore, reflects the stage of industrialization and urbanization. The lowest ages at marriage are generally found in peasant agricultural countries, such as India and China. During the rapid growth phase of urban industrial nations, age at marriage apparently rises, but later the age at marriage once again turns downward, though not rapidly. One way of viewing trends of teenage marriage is in terms of the percentage of males and females under 20 years of age involved in marriages contracted. During 1961, in 6% of all marriages contracted in Yugoslavia one or both spouses were under the age of 18. However, in such marriages the wife was under 18 years of age in 91 % of the cases, the husband in only 9 %. From 1953-1961 there was a gradual decrease in the percentage married under 18 years from 6.6 % to 6.0 %.

This article presents information on a study related to professionalization of business enterprise management in Yugoslavia. Of a total of 245 participants who returned usable questionnaires, 138 are employed in manufacturing, 67 in other productive sectors, and 40 in public services, governmental bodies, and political and social organizations. Hence, more than half of the respondents are employed in manufacturing. Of the 245 respondents, 60 are directors of enterprises: 42 in manufacturing and 18 in other productive sectors. The respondents who were employed in productive sectors but who were not enterprise directors had the following positions: higher- and medium-level managers, staff specialists, supervisors, office workers, blue-collar workers and others. Virtually an equal number of directors believe that the directorial function is conceived as a special function and as a socio-political function. About half of the non-directors believe that the directorial position is conceived as a socio-political function, and about one-fourth think that the directorial position is considered a special profession in Yugoslavia.

This article deals with conflicts in contemporary Yugoslav society. The reader who studies the methodologically rather heterogeneous and detailed papers on conflicts in Yugoslav society ought to have in mind the basic frame of reference that explains the whole. The author is referring to the fact that Yugoslav was constituted as the result of a revolutionary movement. Although that happened in 1940s, the manner of her origin still essentially determined the character of her existence. The dominant problem that extends throughout this entire period is how to institutionalize the revolutionary movement in such a way that it does not lose its authentic character. With regard to the historical experience of revolutionary societies this question is perhaps absurd, and the aspirations expressed in a positive response appear, perhaps, utopian. The institutionalization of revolutionary movements has usually ended in terror or in the creation of all-powerful systems that liquidated the very carriers of the revolutionary movements. The aspirations to institutionalize and conserve the authentic revolutionary movement are manifested in the constant effort to avoid terror and counterrevolution, or as Yugoslav activists usually say since 1948, to avoid Stalinism and petty bourgeois elements. Yugoslav social practice oscillates between these boundary conditions: in certain phases of the development cycle it approaches very closely liberal, and in other phases Stalinist, social characteristics.

The main goal of this paper is to describe general trends of social mobility in Yugoslavia. In so far as available sources allow, the vertical aspect of mobility will be stressed and more attention will be paid to intergenerational movements than to intragenerational ones. The description of the main lines of mobility is based on the data collected by the Pilot census of the Yugoslav population which was carried out in April 1960. This source has been combined with and checked by, wherever it was possible, the data of an investigation of the Institute of Social Sciences into the structure and mobility of the Yugoslav working class. Researchers tried to utilize some other sources of Yugoslav official statistics in the discussion of particular mobility problems. As mentioned before, the main source for the analysis of gross intergenerational mobility was the 1960 Pilot census of population. It had a subsample wherein all inhabitants above the age of 14 years were requested to give the information about the occupation and school attainment of their father and mother. In order to be able to measure the distance of intergenerational movements, respondents were asked to state parental occupations at the time when their parents had supported them. In cases when someone other than their parents supported them, respondents were asked to state the latter's occupation and education.

This article discusses conflicts in Yugoslavia that occur because of unequal distribution of material values, or because of stratification in participation in their distribution. There is no doubt that in Yugoslavia, there are also many other types of social stratification, sometimes almost as important as stratification on the basis of material wealth. Thus, stratification on the basis of political power is particularly important. These forms of stratification, however, should be discussed separately, and that it is impossible here. However, something will be said about material stratification on the basis of this power. In discussing the material stratification of society, we should distinguish between two types. One type of stratification arises on the basis of differences in the relative shares of material goods that originate in differences in the productivity of labor of individual strata. Thus, some strata produce fewer goods, or goods of lower material value, than others; and therefore, among them arise inequality in property or stratification according to economic position into richer and poorer. What is essential in this type of stratification is that it does not arise on the basis of exploitation.

The chief sources of air pollution in Ljubljana are emissions from home heating units, motor vehicles, and factories which combine with adverse atmospheric and topographic conditions to produce a serious hazard. Institutional barriers to effective control of pollution include inadequate legal restraint and a social emphasis on productivity. Residents are reasonably aware of the existence and distribution of air pollution, but fail to understand its components and natural relationships, or the important contribution made by home heating. People who perceive a local problem are more willing to make adjustments to reduce pollution or its negative effects. A long-shared experience with a chronic hazard reduced the variations in awareness and individual adjustment. Information on the existing status of public knowledge and ways of coping suggests specific areas of concentration in designing a community response to air pollution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This review describes the institutional organization of geographical studies of population and settlements in Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, the German Democratic Republic, Hungary, Poland, Romania, and Yugoslavia, and lists the major research centers, the most active scholars, and the more important periodicals and serial publications. In the second part, discussion of theoretical research results is followed by description of studies dealing with statistical sources, cartography, population monographs, distribution and density of population, structure and changes of population, commuting, settlement network, and urban and rural settlements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discusses the monetary and credit systems and international accounts of the socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Adoption of Yugoslavia's constitution as a state of workers and peasants in January 31, 1946; Stages of Yugoslavia's development; Prerequisites for the transition from capitalism to socialism; State banks of Yugoslavia prior to the second world war; Foreign exchange legislation.