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The article focuses on the prediction of social behavior and American history based on a sociological theory with reference to Watergate Affair. The problems of the U.S. administration at the time of President Richard Nixon to the present time is discussed. The revelations confirm the dismal record of sociology when confronted with history. By eschewing examination of the structure, dynamics and social concomitants of the capitalist mode of production in general, and its specific historical evolution in the United States, the sociology of American society is inherently limited. In understanding a phenomenon such as Watergate one must recognize that it is an understandable outgrowth of the long-term trend toward de facto political absolutism in the executive branch of the United States government. The outgrowths like Watergate and absolutism in government are related to the contradiction in the nature of capitalism including inequality, unequal development and lack of powerful external and internal interferences. Under these circumstances the U.S. administration cracked down. The need is that the elites in power and sociologists to address themselves to resolution of the Watergate Affair. The article concludes by asserting that outcome of Watergate will have a profound impact upon the direction of public policy in the U.S.

The article provides a view of the process of transformation of criminology into radical deviancy theory, which gives rise to a series of theoretical and practical possibilities, and that these possibilities relate to new forms of academic and political practice. Purposes for doing radical deviancy theory have now developed to the point where the radical deviancy theorist can no longer remain content with demystifying traditional correctionally oriented criminology. Materialist criminology must set about the task of seeking to explain the continuance, the innovation or the abolition of legal and social norms in terms of the interests they support, the functions they serve to particular material arrangements of production in propertied societies; it must also realize that the legal norms in question are inextricably connected with the developing contradictions in such societies. The mystification of social conflict in legal expressions is not a new phenomenon, and it was Karl Marx, defending himself against a charge of conspiracy in the Cologne Trials of 1849 in a speech which won over the jury, who advanced the arguments that should win over radicals to the understanding of law, and the creation of a materialist criminology. Society is not based on law, that is a legal fiction, rather law must be based on society. It must be the expression of society's common interests and needs, as they arise from the various material methods of production, against the arbitrariness of the single individual. Any attempted assertion of the eternal validity of laws clashes with present needs, it prevents commerce and industry, and paves the way for social crises that break out with political revolutions and propagates social crimes.

The article presents analysis that must be seen as a case study of persistence and change of some of the theories and practices of social anthropologists. They clearly mark the cross roads to a new orientation that focuses on people, instead of on institutions and groups; on how individuals try to construct a social reality, instead of on how they are molded by society; on dynamic configurations, instead of on static forms, on the essential unity of individual and society, instead of on their polarity. Anthropologists, in contrast to sociologists, have indicated relatively little interest in examining their profession and its theoretical assumptions as objects of research. The article attempts to indicate why the Radcliffe-Brownian orientation given by sociologist A.R. Radcliffe-Brown still persists and to explain why there has been a change in orientation for many. Except in the United States, the concern of anthropologists with their own discipline as an object of study began only in the late 1960s. In contrast, by the late 1930s American sociologists had established the sociology of science as a separate academic discipline. Anthropologists have essentially been concerned with questions of what makes social order possible and how it is maintained. The framework that author have used, provides insights into how the paradigms in discipline generated, become dominant and, ultimately, are replaced. Since the formulation of scientific theory is in part a social process, author may also have gained insights into the way this process is speeded up or slowed down.

Prompted by a desire to identify the most important sociologists, R. Bain pioneered the pattern for citation studies of introductory sociology texts. Choosing ten editions published between 1958 and 1962 and selecting from their citations authors whose names received five or more references in at least four of the texts, he discovered that among those cited most frequently in these influence-wielding works the names of cultural anthropologists assumed surprising prominence. M.J. Oromaner replicated Bain's study for the period 1963 to 1967 and found that the anthropological emphasis noted by Bain had decreased but that two psychologists had been added to the list of most frequently cited authors. The present study continues this line of inquiry and methodological format. The absence of any significant number of citations to methodological works, which have been noticed as a general by-product of research demonstrates that these texts cannot be regarded as accurate reflections of sociology as a professional discipline nor as providing adequate pre-professional socialization.

Stratification in science has received extensive attention from researchers in the sociology of science. The general research strategy involves identifying certain socio-personal characteristics of scientists such as professional age, highest degree, prestige of training and affiliated institutions, and relating these characteristics to the reward systems in science. Two identifiable reward systems in science involve (1) the bestowal of honorary awards, and (2) the access to, and recognition in, the formal communication system in science. These two systems both contribute to the overall stratification of the reward system but differ on at least two counts. This paper attempts to examine the stratification of the formal communication system in American sociology as it is related to the stratification of scientists. It is found that the visible journals in sociology are consistently stratified according to criteria such as rejection rates, articles rejected but eventually published in other sociological journals, order of submission preferences of ASA meeting authors, and cross-citation patterns in articles of the journals.

Sociologists have begun to take their own behavior more seriously and the sociology of sociology has become a growth industry. C.W. Peek reports over 250 articles on the sociology of sociologists up to 1967 and production since that time has probably increased. Several books have appeared since then. Since it is impossible to draw a conclusion from what is obviously a process, only a final parable is necessary. What may be necessary for the future is a change in the disciplines central theological position. During the 1960s, sociologists were good Calvinists. Most interpreted the expansion as a clear sign of grace. In the 17th century, there was a reaction to the Calvinist doctrine of unconditional election and irresistible grace when Jacobus Arminius suggested instead that man faced alternatives and was actually free to make choices. Instead of the grim determination of Calvin, he presented a theology of hope, even if grace was not guaranteed. It is that opportunity and those choices that sociologists face in the 1970s. They must be used effectively or else sociology may be remembered in the future as only later-day versions of the Gnostic or the Albigensian heresies.

Academic sociology has vanished in the Peoples Republic of China since 1952, while it has been growing in all other nations, capitalist or socialist. This perplexing phenomenon calls for an explanation. The view advanced here is that a nameless sociology has not only remained quite alive in China today, but has also become the intellectual property of the people. Evidences in support of this view will be shown in the present article, which attempts a general review of the development of sociology in China from its beginning to the present time. The review will deal with the emergence of a Chinese sociology, critical comments on Western sociology during the anti-sociology campaign in 1957, sociological elements in Mao Tse-tungs writing and the rise of the "mass sociology." The early form of sociology as represented by the works of its founding fathers made its debut in China in 1903 when Yen Fu, an articulate interpreter of Western classics, published his translation of the book "Principles of Sociology." In the academic world, departments of sociology first appeared at St. John's University in Shanghai in 1914 and Yen-ching University in Peking in 1922 and later gained acceptance by several other major universities in Peking, Shanghai and Nanking.

From the perspective of radical sociologists, there is merit to the proposition that contemporary sociology; theory and methodology alike, is an increasingly important part of the technology of repression in a managed society. There is the corollary proposition that the graduate program is so structured that today's graduate students are destined to become the functionaries who provide the corporate world with the accurate, timely, comprehensible data by which to manage the publics in tomorrow's schools, factories, political parties, markets and churches. From this perspective, central to the transformation of sociology is the transformation of the graduate program. Examining the five major components of contemporary sociology, it appears that graduate students are the most amenable to transformation in as much as they occupy the most marginal and unstructured positions in the profession. At the same time, they are the future of sociology. It is clear that graduate students are also the most vulnerable to repression. The other four components; undergraduate students, professors, research consultants and officers of the various sociology organizations are not likely to act creatively and effectively to transform sociology if past experience is any guide.

There are several reasons to believe that white southerners have not been active in research on topics about black Americans. Blacks themselves have certainly not been accepted with open arms when calling attention to problems of blacks. For example, in 1927, E. Franklin Frazier, a writer wrote an article in which he used an analogy comparing the mental processes of racially prejudiced persons with insane persons. Subsequently, he was chased out of Atlanta, Georgia. A study was conducted on origins of researchers on Black Americans. One of the most interesting findings is that obtaining the highest college degree in a southern state of the U.S. does not produce as much of a tendency to study blacks as do childhood socialization or institutional affiliation in the South. One hypothesis is that graduate programs neutralize a tendency to deal with blacks that other socially connected experiences seem to enhance. What seems more likely is that the restrictive social climate of the South may be responsible for the relatively meager opportunities for academic specialization at the research level in southern graduate schools. It is likely, however, that the long trend is reversing. Southern sociologists, who have been criticized for not doing enough research on blacks, have actually been doing proportionately more research in this field than in other fields as compared with their northern, including western counterparts.

The recent monograph on the status of women in Sociology, has empirically confirmed many of the suspicions about the predoctoral and postdoctoral careers of women in the discipline. However, while pointing an accusing finger or two, the study offers only a short-term perspective on institutional and interpersonal barriers to professional recognition. A perspective spanning a longer period of time and relating primarily to the research role is employed in this paper. Tracing two cohorts of American sociologists from academic origins to destinations allows to observe sex differences in research performance, visibility in the literature, and jobs subsequently attained. Present findings invite speculation about the denial of professional recognition to women. This study has delineated a more balanced approach implemented in a methodology that yields a more empirically differentiated picture of sociology than previously admitted.

The use of social science in formulating and evaluating social policy has been of interest to sociologists ever since the discipline was established. Applied sociology, the term ordinarily reserved for this burgeoning enterprise, has taken three main forms, researching of policy questions and of the institutions and professional groups responsible for policy-implementation, teaching sociological concepts, theories, and methods of research to students and practitioners in applied fields of work and advising policy-making groups in developing, implementing, and evaluating social action programs. The precise use made of sociological theory, knowledge and methods of research vary according to the problem, the setting, and the sociologist. A policy analysis focuses on the study of empirical relationships between outcome variables of high policy salience and conditioning variables that are amenable to manipulation and control in the context of an operating program. Variables that have been termed intractable are not ignored, since knowledge about their relationships to the policy variables can be put to use in qualifying findings and therefore in the administrative planning of social action program. However, both types of variables are measured only in certain ways, since the cost of collecting data and the utility of the data are important considerations in a policy analysis.

The article discusses that the most certain thing that can be said about the United States twenty-five or thirty years from now is that it will resemble the United States as it is today in a far greater number of particulars than otherwise. This is obvious to the point of banality, but often manages to be overlooked, or at least underplayed, by those who are addicted to the melodramatic prophetic mode that pervades contemporary culture and has by no means left the social sciences untouched. Yet social scientists have not been very successful in the past even in making limited short-run predictions, though they have not done any worse than others. In recent decades, three major approaches to forecasting the future, all of them questionable, have prevailed. No magical technique for avoiding the ancient fallacy of Eternalizing the Present has been discovered. Much predicting of social change, particularly in areas where refined statistical measures and complex computer-based technology are applicable, takes the form of extrapolating or projecting existing trends forward.

Social technology as a component of the sociological enterprise will have several distinguishing characteristics. The social technologist will focus heavily on developing more sophisticated measures of actual social behavior in relatively unstructured (natural) social situations. Social technologists will he trained in procedures for contingency management that will design interaction settings so that appropriate reinforeers are contingent upon desired behavior in social situations. Finally, social technologists will be required to become much more familiar with the human factors research on interactions between man, machines, and other dimensions of the physical environment. Skills such as these are not now readily available in the graduate training of sociologists. Engineering, architecture, systems sciences, and experimental psychology are now the disciplines that are producing behavior technologists. It will indeed be a mistake if the traditional discipline charged with the study of the social fabric of man abandons the race to design more adequately the dimensions of human existence. To avoid this, sociology graduate programs must. expand their search for students with training and skills in the aforementioned areas. Likewise, our graduate curricula must be enriched by the addition of studies originally thought to be far removed from the mainstream of sociological interest. Such a cross-fertilization of ideas and skills will bring a richness of perspective and technique hitherto unknown in sociology. In the final analysis both sociology and society should benefit greatly from the revitalization of our discipline. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years a growing number of studies have been dedicated to the understanding of the system of hierarchy among institutions of higher learning and the hiring and placing of their new graduates. This interest has also been carried over to the field of sociology. Although this relationship between the prestige of doctor of philosophy degree (Ph.D.) granting departments and hiring departments tends to diminish with the passage of time and professional involvement, no doubt seems to exist regarding the first hiring of new Ph.D.s. To the men trained in minor departments, the tendency for reputations to be prematurely determined is an additional handicap. The hierarchic nature of the academic educational system is emphasized by scholar L. Hargens. Thus, the academic community and the academic marketplace are based not only on achievement criteria but also on ascriptive criteria. The individual is evaluated not according to his performance alone, but to a large extent according to the graduate school which granted his degree. Several studies tried to widen the scope of investigation into the grapevine of the academic marketplace by also taking into consideration regional ecological variables.

Analyzes the dynamic aspects of bargaining processes that occur prior to the victory of one coalition. Variation in the goals of a coalition; Assumptions underlying the probabilistic models of voting bodies; Parameters affecting the calculation of the expected share of spoils in a coalition.

The article focuses on studying about world order. Fallacious kinds of reasoning about patterns and trends in world politics are common in world order studies. One of two kinds of incorrect reasoning models include puristic induction or puristic deduction. The first is most likely to characterize the examination of models abstracted from history, while the second is distinctive to models which spring from certain varieties of abstract speculation, formal patterning of variables, or literary sources. Models of world order must be derived from appropriate hypotheses and subjected to the strictures of systematic analysis.

Applying what is in effect a roles and missions approach to the management of the office of the chief planner in large scale public operations is at variance with modern public administration theories. However, a definitional approach is advanced here as a needed step in organizing and managing the policy-making process, which in most agencies is in constant flux. Five key functions are defined: Planning, Analysis, Research, Demonstration and Evaluation. A simplified scenario is used to show how these functions and their management interact over several years of policy-making. Activities identified with each function are spaced chronologically and are shown to be mutually reinforcing. The scenario also makes extensive use of the initial earmarking of portions of the Research and Evaluation budgets for coordinated use in response to requirements growing out of the overall policy determination process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents information on the emergence of policy sciences to nurture and structure a discipline. To make more concrete several ways in which the decision sequence could be used to organize and structure policy scientific research, it is helpful to illustrate a few policy problems--a common feature of which is that they seem especially amenable to comprehensive, multi-method, and interdisciplinary treatment. Energy, communications, health, and many other policy areas are fitting subjects and objects for a policy approach--one which uses concepts such as the decision sequence, and many others, and specialized methods to foster and improve the state of affairs.

Growth has for long been accepted as one of the major objectives of most people. Recently it has been challenged from a number of directions and the challengers have been counter-challenged. The inadequacy of scientific evidence lays the field open for much controversy, but the questions which have been brought into prominence are of great importance and demand answers. These answers in turn require knowledge associated with many branches of the physical, biological and social sciences. The techniques of operational research can be and are being used to assemble and blend the evidence. These techniques can also show up the gaps and the obstacles in the path to progress. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Self-analysis and self-awareness are one of the essential paradigms of policy sciences [1]. Constant monitoring of the development of policy sciences approaches (never mind their name) in different countries is, therefore, essential. It not only helps to build up a "sociology of policy studies," but permits learning-feedback, and thus guides the advancement of policy sciences during its critical formative periods. Also, comparative exchanges of experience and cross-cultural communication are helpful to building up the profession of policy scientists and providing mutual support for often difficult efforts. To encourage detailed writing and study on the development of policy sciences activities, I want to discuss in this short note some of the main variables which seem to shape the development of policy sciences approaches, with special attention to activities outside the United States. Based on personal impressions and on discussions with colleagues in a number of countries, my analysis is suggestive at best. But it may serve to identify at least some relevant features and thus constitute a starting point for more thorough treatment of the subject within specific contexts by authors active in the advancement of policy sciences in various countries. This note will not discuss institutional features of the growth of policy sciences [2]. Rather, I will discuss a number of variables one by one [3], in no particular order and without trying at this stage to order the variables within an overall model. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the rise to eminence and influence of scientists in recent years the distinction between scientific judgment and the judgment of scientists has been increasingly blurred. In particular, the meaning and definition of the social sciences and of their auxiliary or more applied disciplines has become confused. On the one hand, several value-centered undertakings such as policy analysis or planning have laid claim to status as sciences, while on the other hand, social scientists have increasingly attacked the legitimacy or reasonableness of the goal of value-free social science. Scientific publicists further confuse the discussion by arguing for the discovery of a value-free, scientific basis for society in which applied science equals policy. The result has been to damage the effectiveness of both scientific and nonscientific efforts, and to confuse the relationship of their activities in the minds of those who regularly feel compelled to cross a variety of scientific and nonscientific frontiers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses about the results provided by the researcher and statistician Barbara Janowitz on the basis of her study on the link between fertility and per capita income. In an excellent short study published recently in the journal "Demography," researcher Barbara Janowitz (1973) examined statistical relationships among fertility, age composition and per capita income. To make this result comparable with earlier estimates, it can be translated into economic return per birth prevented. This can be done by reference to the crude birth rate, which ranges around 40 per thousand of population in nations of the sort under consideration. A ten percent reduction in fertility, then, would be roughly equivalent to preventing four births per thousand of population, or 0.004 births per capita. Dividing this figure into the prospective gain of $1.50 per capita, we obtain an estimate of $375 as the value of preventing a birth.

This article comments on an article related to fallacy of five million women by Judith Blake and Prithwis Das Gupta, published in a previous issue of the journal "Demography." The re-estimate of the needful population by Blake and Das Gupta represents a significant methodological advance over earlier efforts. The total estimated population of poor and near-poor women were disaggregated by age, marital status, religion and color. This is necessary as there are known fertility and contraceptive behavioral variations within and between these subgroups. The basis for deduction of women with negative attitudes toward family limitation is more problematic. In summary the use of data on ATC as the basis of excluding women from those needing contraceptive services should be viewed with some concern. While the collection of attitudinal data can be justified in the interest of studying non-behavioral dimensions of human society, its use by Blake and Das Gupta goes beyond the legitimate purpose of the original survey.

The article reports that the majority of persons enrolling in Introductory Demography are lower-division students, perhaps majoring in a social science but not necessarily. Demography should have no prerequisites such as General Sociology or Basic Economics. Rather, it should be assumed that the students are being introduced to something new and that they are capable of grasping demographic logic, and to a certain extent, some of the discipline's techniques. That demography is something new should not be surprising. In this model, social demography or, the study of population, per se, and its relation to those significant variables, which generally constitute population composition-is central in emphasis. Formal demography is seen as the techniques as well as the logic, which are basic to understanding population dynamics. Three of the texts devote one chapter to each of the demographic processes. An understanding of the age-sex structure of a society is of prime importance in the development of population literacy.

A comparison is made of demographic data gathered using an experimental short interview form with that from the more traditional in-depth fertility and contraceptive KAP interview. The short form is weakest in measuring current fertility, somewhat more adequate in measuring cumulative fertility, and about equally as effective as the depth interview in measuring infant/child mortality. Most of the deficiency in the quality of the short-interview data can be attributed to accepting information from other household members or neighbors when the woman herself was not available. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article describes a method to bring about a mathematical aggregation of preferences. Problems which economists have been dealing with are emphasized. These matters are mainly under discussion in public economics, but often other organizations than public authorities have to deal with the same kinds of problems, for example, a joint-stock company or a cooperative society or organizations of firms. Political scientists have tackled the problem, but as already mentioned it is not restricted to public organizations. Here, in this article, there will just be made mention of three proposals concerning reforms of methods to make joint decisions, namely, the plurality rule and the point system. The plurality rule determines definite proportions between the alternatives for the preferences for each, while the point system should make the arrangement of preferences with free difference possible. A striking defect of the system is that a proposal about a small appropriation will be late to win among proposals about big appropriations, if the size of all the appropriations together is predetermined.

The article presents information on social problems and the welfare policies. The focus of the article is on the provision of welfare policies on the behavior of welfare agencies and local authorities. The author says that there are plenty of social problems. When we consider the financing of social research there is the danger that the concern for social problems and social policy becomes a concern for a particular policy and further that the policy agency is not seen as part of the problem. With massive financing of research, at least by previous social science standards, there is the danger that significant social and sociological problems and response strategies will be ignored. This is no simple task for while the considerable variance in the distribution of resources amongst local authorities and the variation in terms of population characteristics and social environments are both very clear, it is not at all clear that there is any systematic relationship between the two distributions.

The aim of this article is to investigate the relationships between causality and path and regression analysis. It could be maintained that path analysis is a technique used in the causal analysis of phenomena by means of linear relations. The aim of the article is to show that the connection between causality and path analysis is far from obvious. Although there is an enormous amount of different definitions of causality or causal relation, most of them take as their point of departure the concepts of necessary and sufficient condition. According to regularity theory, in order to be entitled to say that a causal connection obtains among phenomena one has to show that a universal law connects the phenomena. There is, however, a logical possibility to conceptualize causality independently of law concept. The theories of causality can be classified according to the form of description of relations. The relations can be described as deterministic or as stochastic. The article also discusses causality as a mode of determination in the social sciences.

The article focuses on the preliminary exploration of the role and use of constraints in policy analysis. The article presents lessons for every policy analysts and decision makers. The author says that too often we take it for granted that any social problem can be solved, if sufficient resources are available. But the manageability of a social task cannot be rationally discussed until the acceptable means of collective action, as well as the limitations imposed by the availability of resources, knowledge and organizational skills. The analysis of a policy problem must start from the explicit recognition of the constraints. In the language of systems analysis, the set of constraints specifies the boundary of the system under consideration. The author says that the recognition of objective limits to our ability to manipulate social institutions forms the very foundation of social technology, the theoretical explanation of those limits is the primary task of social science and probably the most important stimulus to further progress.

Examines the level of political development in the international system and identifies the instrumentalities which enhance or inhibit that development. Relationship between science and ethics of public policy; Characteristics of the counter-revolution to behavioral revolution in the Western political science; Significance of social sciences; Identification of intrinsic and instrumental indicators of political development.

The article reports on research priorities for the second development decade. The challenge of setting forth research priorities for the current decade is probably one of the more delicate and certainly one of the more decisive tasks facing those studying development. Social science has been unable to generate an adequate literature at the level of comparative international development. The tendency has been to reinforce the role of the nation by placing a heavy emphasis on problems which arise within nations rather than between nations. Thus it is that dissertation literature is overwhelmingly weighted on the side of problems which take place within communities or within cities and even within factories.

The article discusses various issues related to the misplaced emphasis on opportunity for minorities and women in sociology. Sociologist Maurice Jackson's recent report on minorities and women in sociology statistically demonstrated little or no change in the status of inequality. The research proposed would carry Jackson's report to its full implications as an evaluation of the current and foreseeable status of minorities and women in sociology. Whether such a study will be actually undertaken, and whether the results will be effectively used as a policy alternative to the opportunity approach, are different questions. In its capacity as the central standard-setting organization in the profession, sociologists urge the American Sociological Association to either allocate or procure the funds to permit sociologists to study and regulate their own activities. The resources and plans for research should enable evaluations on a periodic, comparative basis. As a goal, the Association would utilize the complementary stratification system as a partial measure of distinction in a comprehensive scheme for ranking departments. For the profession as a whole the proposed enterprise would add an exciting new dimension to some of the most serious problems confronting American society.

The article discusses various issues related to the recruiting of Black sociologists with emphasis on minorities and women in sociology. In the late 1960's one of the dimensions of increased student activism and unrest was the demand for better black representation on the faculties of major white institutions, especially in staffing Black Studies programs, which were also in considerable demand. Data reported in the present study have shown why the competition for black sociologists became so keen in such a short period of time. The existing pool of Black sociologists is extremely small. Indeed, best estimates put the size of this pool at about 150. Further, at the present rates of expansion, the prospects for an increased supply in the near future are not good, to state the case mildly. The present study, in order to aid potential recruiters of black sociologists from both black and white institutions, has attempted to assess the current supply, including their perceptions of the market, demand, and price of black doctorates in sociology. It is apparent from present and earlier research that black sociologists are receiving doctorates from rather prestigious departments of sociology, usually in problem oriented areas of specialization, especially race relations. Upon completion of the doctorate their professional careers have been characterized by fairly high mobility a likelihood of future mobility. Professionally, although research has been conflicting, it appears likely that black sociologists are certainly keeping up if not surpassing their white colleagues.

The term "relevant" within the context of a small-groups course in sociology seemed to mean participating in ongoing groups and observing and gathering data on small groups. Teaching by having students engage in research has also been advocated by articles in "The American Sociologist." The research approach is especially applicable for courses in small groups. But there are too many difficulties in having students carry out research to make research the central feature of a course. In most cases students would not be sufficiently knowledgeable to design and conduct meaningful small-group experiments. This causes problems too difficult for an untrained instructor to handle. The second reason was that while attracted to the learn-by-doing element in such a course, it was equally important to devote class time to covering theoretical concepts, research techniques, and general substantive material. According to the author, the ideal course would expose students to diverse theoretical approaches to small groups while meeting their demand for relevance in the form of group participation and involvement in research.

Simulation is the act of creating a working model or a symbolic model of some real life process; the scientist studies the model rather than the real life process and thereby hopes to learn something about the real life process. One type of symbolic model is the computer simulation. Scientists have represented the real life process in the language of the computer and have let the computer generate data which describes the process being studied. This article has attempted to construct a computer simulation of the sociologist doing survey research. The first goal of this work was to mirror reality as accurately and completely as possible. As the work progressed, other objectives accrued to the simulation. One of the further objectives was pedagogical: to train graduate sociology students in research methodology. For this, the simulation was used: to construct a questionnaire, to design research, and to analyze data. Using the simulation in these ways, the sociologist was not functioning as a simulator but as a teacher of research methods. This paper reports on these experiences.

Perhaps these are not the worst of times, but surely they are not the best of times for science in the United States. If the years following the second world war emerged into a period of ebullient health for American science, sometime around 1965 illness set in. There is nearly universal agreement about the diagnosis: sharp reductions in the federal budget for scientific research and development with attendant cutbacks in activity, especially in basic research, much of which is done on the nation's campuses. Expert opinions vary concerning the fiscal prognosis, but most are rather glum about, say, the next four years. The fraction of the federal budget obligated to research and development reached an alltime high of 12.6 percent in 1965 since which it has skidded to an estimated 7.1 percent in 1972. What is widely regarded to be a serious side effect has emerged recently: a growing imbalance between available supply of and demand for scientists, the severity of this imbalance varies among disciplines and for different academic degree levels.

The most popular perspective on deviant behavior at the present time is commonly called the labeling approach. The deviant is one to whom that label has successfully been applied; deviant behavior is behavior that people so label. Sociologists who describe deviance as a process of labeling draw upon the symbolic interactionism of sociologist George Herbert Mead. Mead provides the social-psychological framework for understanding how the individual comes to be labeled deviant in the first place and then, as the consequence of this labeling, to manifest the various subjective orientations. The Meadian perspective enables sociologists to designate the process of becoming deviant rather than merely to assert that mind or personality or some other intervening unknown or black box acts as a deterministic transmitter of forces, impinging upon the actor and making him deviant, then, the labeling approach to deviance studies organizational and social-psychological conditions and consequences not as separate issues but as related in an ongoing dialectic. Organizational factors do not deterministically force individuals into deviant patterns of behavior.

This article investigates the reasons for underutilization of archival data. In his comprehensive book on secondary analysis, Herbert Hyman points out that the vast amount of survey data that has accumulated in the various data archives in the 1950s and 1960s has not been widely used by social scientists to make important contributions to the literature. One can hardly agree with the judgment that the data archives have been underutilized. Consider for instance, the amount of data in the Roper Public Opinion Research Center and the dearth of contributions to social scientific literature based on data from the Roper Center. The center has data from almost 10,000 surveys, gathered by 117 survey organizations in 68 countries and its collection is growing by 400 to 500 data sets per year. In view of the huge amount of data at the center, the contributions to the social scientific literature based on those data seem quite meager. A major reason for underutilization of archival data is ignorance and this ignorance must be primarily the result of inadequate graduate training. Graduate course work should explicitly deal with the use of archival data. If specialized courses in secondary analysis are not instituted, sections on archival data and secondary analysis should be included in graduate method courses in every department.

Presents several letters to the editor on issues related to sociology. Comment on an article by sociologist John Heeren, published in May 1971 issue of the periodical "The American Sociologist"; Praise of Robert Nisbet's letter on sociological identity published in May 1971 issue of the periodical "The American Sociologist"; Acknowledgement of contribution made by sociologist Kai Erikson, through his views published in the periodical "The American Sociologist," to make sociologists realize, the importance of methods and findings of history for their interests.

The article discusses issues related to definition of social indicators. The author proposes that social indicators refer to social statistics that are components in a social model or some particular or process, can be collected and analyzed at various times and accumulated into a time-series, and can be aggregated or disaggregated to levels appropriate to the specifications of the model. A major advantage of this formulation is that it allows variables other than "output" indicators to be classified as "social indicators." The economic model is the economists' reconstruction of the business cycle. It is the conceptual and empirical demonstration of the relation of an economic statistic to other characteristics of the model of economic cycles that makes such a statistic an economic indicator. The author concludes by saying that there is need for again for increasing commitment of professional social scientists to the creation and maintenance of a system of social indicators.

The article discusses effective methods of instruction in sociology. With increased enrollments in the universities in the United States, more attention must be given to effective methods of instruction in large lecture sections. The authors say that the conventional teaching approaches found in state universities are inadequate for the learning needs of the student. The major problem a teacher has in lecturing to large classes is insufficient flexibility to accommodate the diverse interests and abilities of students. The authors suggest that diverse teaching modalities need to be built into every introductory teaching section. Teaching must acknowledge the heterogeneity of the classroom and transform a frequently monolithic, one-dimensional process into a dialectic, multidimensional experience. The authors conclude that rather than engaging in debate about large versus small classes or discussion versus lecture method, it would be better to explore diversified teaching models that can be responsive to a wide range of student interests and abilities.

The article discusses the strategies useful in obtaining truthful responses without jeopardizing the respondent or researcher during the interviews. The first strategy is randomized response technique. In applying one variation of the randomized response technique, the researcher presents each respondent with a card on which two queries are printed. Out of these two questions, one question is of principal interest to the researcher and must be answerable in terms of "yes" or "no." The second question must not be related to the first question. The net result is an identification and response to a question that is not definitely known by the researcher. In order to obtain controversial information, the researcher might choose to use a more mechanical or logistical strategy. Using this strategy, a set of data containing old and new information, merged by the respondent can be obtained, the total data being supplied anonymously. Sometimes, if not used intelligently, this technique can be corrupted.

The article presents evaluation of sixty-three journals of sociology by Sociologists in the United States. In February 1970 a questionnaire was mailed to a randomly drawn sample of 250 professors and associate professors in departments with sociology Ph.D. programs listed in the "Guide to Graduate Departments of Sociology, 1969." The letter that accompanied the questionnaire explained that the instrument was designed to gather data to be used to construct an index of the productivity of sociologists. If the purpose of the study had been merely to arrive at a prestige ranking of the journals, a simple rating scale could have been used, and it would not have been necessary to use the average importance of any kind of publication as a unit of measurement. Although there was less dissensus on the general journals than on the specialized and interdisciplinary ones or on journals in other disciplines, there was nevertheless a great deal of disagreement even about the best-known general journals.

The article presents a study that examined gender role in salary of academic sociology teachers in the United States. The data for the study was obtained from the 1968 National Register questionnaire sent to 555,000 persons, of whom 298,000, or 54 percent, responded. The researchers chose only those sociologists who were teaching full-time at colleges and universities during the 1967-68 academic year. The respondents to the National Register questionnaire were asked to give their academic year salaries to the nearest one hundred dollars. It was found that Women sociologists in that academic year had a median salary of $9300 while male sociologists had a median salary of $11000. For sociologists the control for academic rank reduces the salary differential the most. Academic degree is the second largest factor contributing to salary differences between men and women sociologists. The major portion of the salary differential owes to the tendency of women to hold positions in academe that are associated with lower median salaries.

The article explores the sociological possibilities of the study of the future. An early champion of the need for modern social science to study the future was sociologist Nathan Israeli who wrote a brief paper 1930 discussing what he called "The Social Psychology of Futurism." Several years later, two other Psychologists became interested in the nature of prediction and followed his lead. This early spark of interest in the systematic study of the future was limited and never really caught on. After the Second World War, as war memories faded, pessimism and doubt regarding the future also lessened, it seemed that the political and social future could yield human betterment, the necessity of studying it emerged anew. The main purpose of the sociology of the future is to construct pictures of what the future of the world's various societies could and should be like based upon scientific study of possibilities, probabilities, preferences, and policies. It includes the study of values, so that "wished for" futures can be distinguished from undesirable futures.

The article discusses the views of sociologists Erving Goffman, Alvin W. Gouldner, and Garfinkel on the politics of sociology. In his book, "The Coming Crisis of Western Sociology," Gouldner analyzes the contributions of Goffman and Garfinkel and exposes their technical and political meanings to professional scrutiny. Gouldner is very perceptive in his technical analysis of Garfinkel and Goffman and extremely helpful to explain their political meaning. The first technical point Gouldner makes about Goffman is that Goffman's approach to sociology is taken without a "metaphysics of hierarchy." The question of the political meaning of this new perspective is unanswered because of two ambiguities that are intrinsic to it. The second point raised by Gouldner regarding Goffman's technical meanings is that Goffman's focus on copresence dwells on the immediate and the episodic. The author says that rather than to castigate Goffman for his view of life as theater, Gouldner should praise him for the political act of legitimating the view that all social reality is staged.

This article discusses the predictive potential of sociology. Some attacks on the predictive potential take the opposite from those that disparage its efficacy. One attack assumes that sociological predictions will be widely listened to. When they are, it is further assumed that various motives will influence the degree to which people continue to do in the face of prediction whatever they otherwise would have done. If sociological predictions become widely listened to and become self-defeating, they will no longer be listened to. When this occurs, the predictive power of sociology would improve, and it might again become influential. It may be maintained, that predictive adequacy is not evaluated in a comparable manner for the physical and social sciences. There is a need to recast the positivist analogy in order to more appropriately contrast predictive efficacy across disciplinary boundaries. A sociology of knowledge approach can be adopted in which the social status of a discipline results not primarily from methodological or formalistic criteria, but, more realistically, from impressive concrete applications. Even for sociologists, physical science has typically seemed impressive and worthy of emulation because of its technical accomplishments.

This article focuses on the course requirements for sociology majors accredited colleges and universities in the U.S. The modal number of semester hours required is from 28 to 34, and it is evident that the requirements ay the majority of schools range from 21 to 34 hours. Assuming that courses are typically equivalent to three credit hours each, it follows that most schools require from seven to eleven courses of their sociology majors. Semester hour requirements are highest in Roman Catholic schools, followed by public institutions, non-Catholic denominational schools and private nondenominational schools. The variable of size seems to be inconsistently related to the number of hours required for the major. The number of credit hours required is not clearly vital as the degree to which and the ways in which the content of the major program is defined. In a few schools students could choose between two or more courses in meeting a specific requirement. In such cases, all alternatives were coded, and this produces a very slight exaggeration of the picture of requirements. Social problems are required in three times as many programs. Social problems can be analyzed sociologically, just as any manifestation of social behavior can.

This article presents a proposal to augment the democratic nature of the American Sociological Association (ASA). Fundamentally, there are two structural forms designed to effect democracy. The first is representative democracy. In a free and fair election, members select by majority vote those who will act in accordance with their general intent and desires. This is the classical format of all large-scale democratic political systems. The second device is direct democracy. Here, in free and open debate, members make their wishes known, following the principle of majority rule and the actions of the leaders follow the dictates of the will of the majority. The procedure for implementing representative democracy is the fair election of the chief officers. In ASA, the chief officers are members of the council. The ASA constitution vests essential power in the hands of the council, the power to formulate policy and to direct the affairs of the organization. The selection of council members is through democratic election and even the nominations procedure has been democraticized through the election of the Committee on Nominations. In addition, there is a major institutionalized mechanism for implementing the principle of direct democracy, namely the business meeting of the annual ASA meeting.

This article presents an alternative interpretation of the role of social science in constitutional litigation. Social scientists can make their most constructive contribution to the court's performance of its adjudicating function by adopting a posture defined by both the limited possibilities available within the framework of social science methodology and the institutional limitations upon the court. The limits of method and the court's restricted competencies intersect in such a manner that the most creative role for social scientific evidence can be specified by the congruence of the contingencies and the most appropriate posture for social scientists to take can be precisely determined. While there are shortcomings in the ability of the social sciences to provide accurate, causal interpretations of social phenomena, their analytic techniques are sophisticated enough to identify the logical fallacies or confused reasoning employed by decision makers in arriving at their views of the factors responsible for situations defined as problematic. Although social scientists are circumscribed by their limited ability to explain causal sequences, the logic of social inquiry enables them to demonstrate the inadequacy of explanations offered to support outmoded public policies.