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Prompted by a desire to identify the most important sociologists, R. Bain pioneered the pattern for citation studies of introductory sociology texts. Choosing ten editions published between 1958 and 1962 and selecting from their citations authors whose names received five or more references in at least four of the texts, he discovered that among those cited most frequently in these influence-wielding works the names of cultural anthropologists assumed surprising prominence. M.J. Oromaner replicated Bain's study for the period 1963 to 1967 and found that the anthropological emphasis noted by Bain had decreased but that two psychologists had been added to the list of most frequently cited authors. The present study continues this line of inquiry and methodological format. The absence of any significant number of citations to methodological works, which have been noticed as a general by-product of research demonstrates that these texts cannot be regarded as accurate reflections of sociology as a professional discipline nor as providing adequate pre-professional socialization.

Stratification in science has received extensive attention from researchers in the sociology of science. The general research strategy involves identifying certain socio-personal characteristics of scientists such as professional age, highest degree, prestige of training and affiliated institutions, and relating these characteristics to the reward systems in science. Two identifiable reward systems in science involve (1) the bestowal of honorary awards, and (2) the access to, and recognition in, the formal communication system in science. These two systems both contribute to the overall stratification of the reward system but differ on at least two counts. This paper attempts to examine the stratification of the formal communication system in American sociology as it is related to the stratification of scientists. It is found that the visible journals in sociology are consistently stratified according to criteria such as rejection rates, articles rejected but eventually published in other sociological journals, order of submission preferences of ASA meeting authors, and cross-citation patterns in articles of the journals.

There are several reasons to believe that white southerners have not been active in research on topics about black Americans. Blacks themselves have certainly not been accepted with open arms when calling attention to problems of blacks. For example, in 1927, E. Franklin Frazier, a writer wrote an article in which he used an analogy comparing the mental processes of racially prejudiced persons with insane persons. Subsequently, he was chased out of Atlanta, Georgia. A study was conducted on origins of researchers on Black Americans. One of the most interesting findings is that obtaining the highest college degree in a southern state of the U.S. does not produce as much of a tendency to study blacks as do childhood socialization or institutional affiliation in the South. One hypothesis is that graduate programs neutralize a tendency to deal with blacks that other socially connected experiences seem to enhance. What seems more likely is that the restrictive social climate of the South may be responsible for the relatively meager opportunities for academic specialization at the research level in southern graduate schools. It is likely, however, that the long trend is reversing. Southern sociologists, who have been criticized for not doing enough research on blacks, have actually been doing proportionately more research in this field than in other fields as compared with their northern, including western counterparts.

The use of social science in formulating and evaluating social policy has been of interest to sociologists ever since the discipline was established. Applied sociology, the term ordinarily reserved for this burgeoning enterprise, has taken three main forms, researching of policy questions and of the institutions and professional groups responsible for policy-implementation, teaching sociological concepts, theories, and methods of research to students and practitioners in applied fields of work and advising policy-making groups in developing, implementing, and evaluating social action programs. The precise use made of sociological theory, knowledge and methods of research vary according to the problem, the setting, and the sociologist. A policy analysis focuses on the study of empirical relationships between outcome variables of high policy salience and conditioning variables that are amenable to manipulation and control in the context of an operating program. Variables that have been termed intractable are not ignored, since knowledge about their relationships to the policy variables can be put to use in qualifying findings and therefore in the administrative planning of social action program. However, both types of variables are measured only in certain ways, since the cost of collecting data and the utility of the data are important considerations in a policy analysis.

Growth has for long been accepted as one of the major objectives of most people. Recently it has been challenged from a number of directions and the challengers have been counter-challenged. The inadequacy of scientific evidence lays the field open for much controversy, but the questions which have been brought into prominence are of great importance and demand answers. These answers in turn require knowledge associated with many branches of the physical, biological and social sciences. The techniques of operational research can be and are being used to assemble and blend the evidence. These techniques can also show up the gaps and the obstacles in the path to progress. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the rise to eminence and influence of scientists in recent years the distinction between scientific judgment and the judgment of scientists has been increasingly blurred. In particular, the meaning and definition of the social sciences and of their auxiliary or more applied disciplines has become confused. On the one hand, several value-centered undertakings such as policy analysis or planning have laid claim to status as sciences, while on the other hand, social scientists have increasingly attacked the legitimacy or reasonableness of the goal of value-free social science. Scientific publicists further confuse the discussion by arguing for the discovery of a value-free, scientific basis for society in which applied science equals policy. The result has been to damage the effectiveness of both scientific and nonscientific efforts, and to confuse the relationship of their activities in the minds of those who regularly feel compelled to cross a variety of scientific and nonscientific frontiers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reports that the majority of persons enrolling in Introductory Demography are lower-division students, perhaps majoring in a social science but not necessarily. Demography should have no prerequisites such as General Sociology or Basic Economics. Rather, it should be assumed that the students are being introduced to something new and that they are capable of grasping demographic logic, and to a certain extent, some of the discipline's techniques. That demography is something new should not be surprising. In this model, social demography or, the study of population, per se, and its relation to those significant variables, which generally constitute population composition-is central in emphasis. Formal demography is seen as the techniques as well as the logic, which are basic to understanding population dynamics. Three of the texts devote one chapter to each of the demographic processes. An understanding of the age-sex structure of a society is of prime importance in the development of population literacy.

The article reports on research priorities for the second development decade. The challenge of setting forth research priorities for the current decade is probably one of the more delicate and certainly one of the more decisive tasks facing those studying development. Social science has been unable to generate an adequate literature at the level of comparative international development. The tendency has been to reinforce the role of the nation by placing a heavy emphasis on problems which arise within nations rather than between nations. Thus it is that dissertation literature is overwhelmingly weighted on the side of problems which take place within communities or within cities and even within factories.

The article discusses various issues related to the misplaced emphasis on opportunity for minorities and women in sociology. Sociologist Maurice Jackson's recent report on minorities and women in sociology statistically demonstrated little or no change in the status of inequality. The research proposed would carry Jackson's report to its full implications as an evaluation of the current and foreseeable status of minorities and women in sociology. Whether such a study will be actually undertaken, and whether the results will be effectively used as a policy alternative to the opportunity approach, are different questions. In its capacity as the central standard-setting organization in the profession, sociologists urge the American Sociological Association to either allocate or procure the funds to permit sociologists to study and regulate their own activities. The resources and plans for research should enable evaluations on a periodic, comparative basis. As a goal, the Association would utilize the complementary stratification system as a partial measure of distinction in a comprehensive scheme for ranking departments. For the profession as a whole the proposed enterprise would add an exciting new dimension to some of the most serious problems confronting American society.

The term "relevant" within the context of a small-groups course in sociology seemed to mean participating in ongoing groups and observing and gathering data on small groups. Teaching by having students engage in research has also been advocated by articles in "The American Sociologist." The research approach is especially applicable for courses in small groups. But there are too many difficulties in having students carry out research to make research the central feature of a course. In most cases students would not be sufficiently knowledgeable to design and conduct meaningful small-group experiments. This causes problems too difficult for an untrained instructor to handle. The second reason was that while attracted to the learn-by-doing element in such a course, it was equally important to devote class time to covering theoretical concepts, research techniques, and general substantive material. According to the author, the ideal course would expose students to diverse theoretical approaches to small groups while meeting their demand for relevance in the form of group participation and involvement in research.

Perhaps these are not the worst of times, but surely they are not the best of times for science in the United States. If the years following the second world war emerged into a period of ebullient health for American science, sometime around 1965 illness set in. There is nearly universal agreement about the diagnosis: sharp reductions in the federal budget for scientific research and development with attendant cutbacks in activity, especially in basic research, much of which is done on the nation's campuses. Expert opinions vary concerning the fiscal prognosis, but most are rather glum about, say, the next four years. The fraction of the federal budget obligated to research and development reached an alltime high of 12.6 percent in 1965 since which it has skidded to an estimated 7.1 percent in 1972. What is widely regarded to be a serious side effect has emerged recently: a growing imbalance between available supply of and demand for scientists, the severity of this imbalance varies among disciplines and for different academic degree levels.

The most popular perspective on deviant behavior at the present time is commonly called the labeling approach. The deviant is one to whom that label has successfully been applied; deviant behavior is behavior that people so label. Sociologists who describe deviance as a process of labeling draw upon the symbolic interactionism of sociologist George Herbert Mead. Mead provides the social-psychological framework for understanding how the individual comes to be labeled deviant in the first place and then, as the consequence of this labeling, to manifest the various subjective orientations. The Meadian perspective enables sociologists to designate the process of becoming deviant rather than merely to assert that mind or personality or some other intervening unknown or black box acts as a deterministic transmitter of forces, impinging upon the actor and making him deviant, then, the labeling approach to deviance studies organizational and social-psychological conditions and consequences not as separate issues but as related in an ongoing dialectic. Organizational factors do not deterministically force individuals into deviant patterns of behavior.

Presents several letters to the editor on issues related to sociology. Comment on an article by sociologist John Heeren, published in May 1971 issue of the periodical "The American Sociologist"; Praise of Robert Nisbet's letter on sociological identity published in May 1971 issue of the periodical "The American Sociologist"; Acknowledgement of contribution made by sociologist Kai Erikson, through his views published in the periodical "The American Sociologist," to make sociologists realize, the importance of methods and findings of history for their interests.

The article discusses the strategies useful in obtaining truthful responses without jeopardizing the respondent or researcher during the interviews. The first strategy is randomized response technique. In applying one variation of the randomized response technique, the researcher presents each respondent with a card on which two queries are printed. Out of these two questions, one question is of principal interest to the researcher and must be answerable in terms of "yes" or "no." The second question must not be related to the first question. The net result is an identification and response to a question that is not definitely known by the researcher. In order to obtain controversial information, the researcher might choose to use a more mechanical or logistical strategy. Using this strategy, a set of data containing old and new information, merged by the respondent can be obtained, the total data being supplied anonymously. Sometimes, if not used intelligently, this technique can be corrupted.

The article presents evaluation of sixty-three journals of sociology by Sociologists in the United States. In February 1970 a questionnaire was mailed to a randomly drawn sample of 250 professors and associate professors in departments with sociology Ph.D. programs listed in the "Guide to Graduate Departments of Sociology, 1969." The letter that accompanied the questionnaire explained that the instrument was designed to gather data to be used to construct an index of the productivity of sociologists. If the purpose of the study had been merely to arrive at a prestige ranking of the journals, a simple rating scale could have been used, and it would not have been necessary to use the average importance of any kind of publication as a unit of measurement. Although there was less dissensus on the general journals than on the specialized and interdisciplinary ones or on journals in other disciplines, there was nevertheless a great deal of disagreement even about the best-known general journals.

The article presents a study that examined gender role in salary of academic sociology teachers in the United States. The data for the study was obtained from the 1968 National Register questionnaire sent to 555,000 persons, of whom 298,000, or 54 percent, responded. The researchers chose only those sociologists who were teaching full-time at colleges and universities during the 1967-68 academic year. The respondents to the National Register questionnaire were asked to give their academic year salaries to the nearest one hundred dollars. It was found that Women sociologists in that academic year had a median salary of $9300 while male sociologists had a median salary of $11000. For sociologists the control for academic rank reduces the salary differential the most. Academic degree is the second largest factor contributing to salary differences between men and women sociologists. The major portion of the salary differential owes to the tendency of women to hold positions in academe that are associated with lower median salaries.

The article discusses the views of sociologists Erving Goffman, Alvin W. Gouldner, and Garfinkel on the politics of sociology. In his book, "The Coming Crisis of Western Sociology," Gouldner analyzes the contributions of Goffman and Garfinkel and exposes their technical and political meanings to professional scrutiny. Gouldner is very perceptive in his technical analysis of Garfinkel and Goffman and extremely helpful to explain their political meaning. The first technical point Gouldner makes about Goffman is that Goffman's approach to sociology is taken without a "metaphysics of hierarchy." The question of the political meaning of this new perspective is unanswered because of two ambiguities that are intrinsic to it. The second point raised by Gouldner regarding Goffman's technical meanings is that Goffman's focus on copresence dwells on the immediate and the episodic. The author says that rather than to castigate Goffman for his view of life as theater, Gouldner should praise him for the political act of legitimating the view that all social reality is staged.

This article discusses the predictive potential of sociology. Some attacks on the predictive potential take the opposite from those that disparage its efficacy. One attack assumes that sociological predictions will be widely listened to. When they are, it is further assumed that various motives will influence the degree to which people continue to do in the face of prediction whatever they otherwise would have done. If sociological predictions become widely listened to and become self-defeating, they will no longer be listened to. When this occurs, the predictive power of sociology would improve, and it might again become influential. It may be maintained, that predictive adequacy is not evaluated in a comparable manner for the physical and social sciences. There is a need to recast the positivist analogy in order to more appropriately contrast predictive efficacy across disciplinary boundaries. A sociology of knowledge approach can be adopted in which the social status of a discipline results not primarily from methodological or formalistic criteria, but, more realistically, from impressive concrete applications. Even for sociologists, physical science has typically seemed impressive and worthy of emulation because of its technical accomplishments.

This article presents a proposal to augment the democratic nature of the American Sociological Association (ASA). Fundamentally, there are two structural forms designed to effect democracy. The first is representative democracy. In a free and fair election, members select by majority vote those who will act in accordance with their general intent and desires. This is the classical format of all large-scale democratic political systems. The second device is direct democracy. Here, in free and open debate, members make their wishes known, following the principle of majority rule and the actions of the leaders follow the dictates of the will of the majority. The procedure for implementing representative democracy is the fair election of the chief officers. In ASA, the chief officers are members of the council. The ASA constitution vests essential power in the hands of the council, the power to formulate policy and to direct the affairs of the organization. The selection of council members is through democratic election and even the nominations procedure has been democraticized through the election of the Committee on Nominations. In addition, there is a major institutionalized mechanism for implementing the principle of direct democracy, namely the business meeting of the annual ASA meeting.

This article examines some of the relations between applied sociology and applied natural science. Sociology has copied the natural sciences, at least in its central focus on verifiable, theoretically significant matters of fact. Sociologists' concern with scientific maturity may have brought with it some of the disadvantages as well as the advantages of natural science. To emulate natural science implies acceptance of the natural scientist's relations to policy. However, sociology also includes a tradition as an oppositional science and the logical gap between fact and value does not automatically preclude valuative discourse within the social science disciplines. Sociologists tend to choose their profession not merely for the potential elegance of its verified theories but for reformist motives. These motives may be eroded by the disciplinary training of graduate school, but the erosion occurs less easily when the values of major organizational clients are being criticized. The reformist urge is all the more frustrated when it hears in the discipline not only the dominant claim that is free from valuative bias but that it is useful to government and business. And, most difficult, the clashing valuative perspectives find no arena for rational confrontation and criticism in the central disciplinary literature.

This article presents data drawn from a study of university sociologists in order to answer three basic questions which concern the correlation between the quantity and the quality of publications of a sociologist, the effect of the status of the graduate department where the sociologist earned his doctorate on the recognition attributed to his research output, and the relationship between early achievement of quality publications and continued achievement of research in the career of a sociologist. Sociologists of science have been concerned with the relationship between a researcher's number of publications and the merit or excellence of a sociologist's writings. In a number of disciplines, a high to moderate correlation is found between quantity and quality of publications. The population for this study consisted of all persons listed in the American Sociological Association Directory who had received their Ph.D. degrees in sociology between 1954 and 1963 and who were members of United States departments of sociology that offered graduate training. To have included sociologists whose degree dates preceded 1954 might have meant the exclusion of the articles from the quantity index. The upper limit of 1963 was applied since it can be assumed that there is a time lag between the period when a social scientist receives his degree and publishes and between such a publishing period and the time when the work is recognized and/or appropriately cited, as in the measure for quality.

This article describes and examines the doctoral origins, that is, the school from which an individual received the degree, and the appointment patterns of editors of the periodical, American Sociological Review (ASR). A twenty-year period was chosen for investigation in order to facilitate the observation of pronounced trends in the data. The particular period 1948-1968 was selected because October 1948 marks the beginning of Maurice R. Davie's term as editor-in-chief and December 1968 marks the end of the most completed editorial period on the periodical. The American Sociological Review was selected for investigation since it is an official journal of the American Sociological Association. Empirical evidence for the importance and influence of the ASR can be found in a work in which the authors state that regarding the frequency with which references were made to various journals, in five of the six cases the rank order was ASR, AIS, and SF. Additional evidence is presented in a study in which the ASR was found to be among the most frequently cited journals in sociology. The name of every editor-in-chief, assistant editor, and associate editor was noted for the period October 1948 to December 1968.

The book review is an important form of professional communication, if for no reason other than the scholar's difficulty in coping with the knowledge explosion. About one-third of the pages of the journals "American Sociological Review," the "American Journal of Sociology," and "Social Forces," were devoted to book reviews in 1968. Despite such prominence, social scientists pay little attention to the substantive or organizational aspects of book reviewing. Recognizing its importance, this article discusses book reviewing in the social sciences and the editorial procedures for administering the book-review section of a journal. The article is based upon a review of relevant literature in the humanities, information sciences, and natural and social sciences, as upon the responses to a twelve-item, open-ended questionnaire sent to current and recent review editors of the three aforementioned journals. The whole apparatus of book reviewing functions more on the basis of tradition and imitation than on the strength of contemporary agreements. It would appear that book reviews are the second class citizens of scientific literature. This can be seen in the difficulties editors have in getting members of the discipline to accept and complete book reviewing assignments, and it is evident in the fact that few reviews offer more than a simple abstract of the book. One is struck by the seeming lack of normative structure and social organization surrounding the entire reviewing process.

The relationship between sociology and history has interested scholars from both disciplines for a long time. By now a considerable library of materials is available on the subject ranging from involved philosophical essays on the nature of the borderline separating the two fields to ceremonial addresses of various kinds urging a greater volume of traffic across that line. Literature from the sociological side of the border, at least, has been almost unanimous in its insistence that sociologists should devote more attention to history so much so that the argument would appear to have lost much of its urgency for simple lack of opposition. Yet, for all of that, sociology in the United States continues to lack historical focus. Sociology in the United States has generally leaned in the more positivistic of those directions, developing a form of scientism that no longer seems to resemble the natural science models from which it derived. There have been unmistakable signs in recent years, however, of a swing in the opposite direction toward a species of radical skepticism in which persons distrust their own intelligence and all the established apparatus of sociology for fear of the various class and racial and ideological biases that might be hidden within them.

This section presents updates on issues concerning the American Sociological Association (ASA) as of May 1970. ASA Council at its November 1969 meeting directed Secretary Rossi to write Robert Finch, Secretary of the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare about ASA concern as to the existence of blacklists within the department. Also, in view of the increasing role in and concern with matters of public policy on the part of the ASA and its members. Council has authorized the editor of The American Sociologist to solicit a series of papers dealing with the relationship between research and the making and execution of public policy. In a separate news, friends of the late John Madge, head of Political and Economic Planning in London, England and sometime teacher and research consultant in the U.S., have established a major memorial trust for training in urban planning. In another news, the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) announces a special program for urban and regional studies of developing areas to provide an opportunity for a small number of persons to spend a year at MIT studying the problems of urban and regional change within a broad context of national development.

This article presents a logic for small-numbers research that takes advantage of the number of cases involved, and that has definite advantages for the development of theory not found in either the single-case study or the large-numbers approach. Briefly, the approach is a three-step one: first, explicitly delineate the universe to which you eventually wish to generalize; then, spell out what appear to be the most important dimensions along which the members of this universe vary and develop a typology that includes the various combinations of values on these dimensions; and, use this typology as a sampling frame for selecting a small number of cases from the universe, typically drawing one case from each cell of the typology. Most sociological research involved either the study of single cases or the statistical analysis of large numbers of cases. The middle ground, the study of a small number of cases, is occupied only rarely. Furthermore, most of what I shall call small-number studies involve either a direct extension of the single-case-study logic or an attempt at following the logic of statistical studies with an inadequate number of cases.

This study deals with the interplay between the hiring of new Ph.D. in sociology by different departments in American universities and the respective prestige of the hiring and the granting departments. Several studies in sociological literature deal with the prestige system of American graduate schools and with the ways schools seek out their prospective faculties. There seems to be general agreement that different departments have different appeals in securing their new faculty in placing their graduates in academic positions. This differential appeal depends basically on the prestige of the respective graduate departments, which is usually based on the perception of professionals of the The underlying assumption of the study is that, with the exception of a few new graduates who have already published extensively enough to establish a reputation in the field, the main basis for judging the potential of a new Ph.D. is the prestige of the department that granted his degree.

This article reviews the impress of the American ideology in the American sociological literature on social stratification. Social stratification is defined as the institutionalization of power arrangements that perpetuate intergenerational economic, political, and social inequality among collectivities. The ideology of students of American stratification has remained optimistic, individualistic, and evolutionary. Belief that the stratification system selects for mobility those who are biologically and socially most fit has generally prevailed since the inception of the discipline. Sociologists have also believed that rates of occupational mobility have tended to verify the dominant ideology because the relatively high rates have reduced extremes of economic, social, and political inequality and have created a middle-class society. A corollary of this basic functional argument suggests that status differences become increasingly important as economic equality and political enfranchisement become more widespread. The dominant American ideology has generally permeated most sociological thinking about social stratification, and advances in stratification theory have tended to be systematically ignored in research.

This article proposes the concept of Institution Formation Sociology. Institution Formation Sociology proposes that sociologists initiate the organization of new institutions and simultaneously study the institutions that are created. These new institutions should be organized to help meet social needs in areas of society where no institutions exist to solve the problems that people face and cannot resolve by themselves. In opposition to the social role of the Institution Formation sociologist is the role myth of the sociologist as a free-floating intellectual, self-alienated from all social locations. This position is a false conscious denial of the social attachments that no sociologist can escaped even through the most circumscribed definition of his professional role, let alone in his life as a human being. Sociologist should participate in society and derive sociological research from that participation. Sociologists do not have to accept the world as it is. They do not have to confine themselves merely to understanding and analyzing what others are doing. Sociologists have the possibility, as well as the moral obligation, to enter into the institutional life of their society to initiate reforms or even take part in the construction of new institutions. They may then come forth with resources and materials which can be derived only from a participant role in society. This concept of the role of the sociologist as including institution formation return sociology to the vision of its founders, who saw it not only as an intellectual critique but as a practical means of building a better society.

This paper builds on the assertion that there is an essential moral dimension in all human social relations. Morality, in the dramaturgical sense, is a question of identity and identity management. A scientist, in order to retain his identity must announce himself as a carrier of unbiased truth buttressed by intersubjective evidence of the stated condition of reality. A scientist qua scientist says only what is an knows why it is. A rhetorician, on the other hand, announces himself as a carrier of biased truth armed with logical and emotional symbolic weapons aimed at persuading another person that he should act or think differently. A rhetorician qua rhetorician says whatever he wants, and knows why he says it. If a sociologist practices rhetoric, but identifies himself as a scientist, he renders his rhetoric immoral, the immoral rhetoric of identity deception. Sociology, when worn by some practitioners, appears as scientific. The purveyors in sociology of the scientific method look to the physical sciences for the ideal word and practice. If the physical sciences provide the prime exemplar for understanding scientific sociology, then the documentation of a necessary social dimension in the physical sciences is a fortiori applicable to sociology.

The article discusses about the official reports of the American Sociological Association. The Committee on Nominations in full conformance with the procedures set forth wishes to present its slate of nominees for the American Sociological Association, 1970- 1971. The Councilmen at-Large in full conformance with the procedures set forth wish to present their slate of nominees for the 1971 Committee on Nominations of the American Sociological Association. Four major issues already under consideration by committees of the Association were named, as follows: Creation and implementation of a code of ethics; Relations with the federal government in connection with research support; The nature and functions of Sections in the ASA; and Relations with international sociological associations. Systematic exploration of student and junior faculty participation in the Association's affairs and reconsideration of all aspects of annual meeting format are projected. Several ASA committees are now concerned with problems of teaching sociology. But the principal attention of the Council was devoted to the issue of ASA and public policy. On February 2, 1969, Council devoted the entire day to a wide-ranging discussion of the question, starting from a background paper prepared by Daniel Bell.

Several efforts have been made in recent years to analyze the sociology curricula of colleges in the United States. In 1942, the ten courses ranking highest made up 64.2 per cent of the course offerings. The 1957 results showed that the same courses, with two exceptions, ranked highest, though with different ranks. The present study sought to learn what sociology courses are being offered by the small liberal arts colleges of the United States listed in the 1963 edition of the "U.S. Higher Education Directory" as being in the second category and having a student population of 1,000 to 2,500. Some colleges did not send catalogs, and some did not send them soon enough to be included, so 122 colleges were actually used in the study. It is unlikely that any significant bias could have been introduced by the omissions, as failures to obtain catalogs were in no way related to the content of the study. Classification of courses was made by title wherever possible, and by catalog description where necessary to obtain more accurate comparability of offerings. Courses were tabulated by geographical location, size of college, sex of student body, and college sponsorship.

To do or not to do a test of significance that is a question that divides men of good will and sound competence. Only if the sociologist can apply experimental treatments independently of prior states of his units of observation is he able to conduct a true experiment. Because of democratic ideology and a host of other considerations, true experimentation is unusual in sociology. The inability to use true experimentation results in a lack of control over a wide variety of largely unknown and un-numerable potential influences. These uncontrolled variables throw doubt on any finding that a difference observed between two sub samples results from the variable used by the researcher in classifying his sample of observations into one or the other of the two sub samples. Accordingly, the empirical sociologist is confronted with the necessity to identify and to find justification for rejecting as many of these potential influences as he can. The effect of a pre-test in increasing or decreasing the respondent's sensitivity or responsiveness to the experimental variable, thus making the results obtained for a pre-tested population unrepresentative of the effects of the experimental variable for the pre-tested universe from which the experimental respondents were selected.

The February issue of "The American Sociologist," carried the announcement that the 1969 Annual Meeting would be held in San Francisco, California. "Careers in Sociology," has been distributed recently to ASA members. Additional copies are available on request from the Executive Office. "Guide to Graduate Departments of Sociology, 1969," is now ready for distribution. "Sociological Methodology," 1969 may be ordered from Jossey-Bass, Inc., San Francisco. "Issues and Trends in Sociology," a new series of readers, will he devoted to topics of salient theoretical or substantive interest and, to the extent feasible, papers will be drawn from ASA publications. The American Sociological Association recognizes the important contributions that the National Institute of Mental Health has made to sociological training and research through its Training Grant and Social Science research programs. The Association expresses its full support of these efforts, and urges that the programs he expanded with full financial support to continue to meet the growing needs of sociological knowledge in the United States.

The analysis of the student-faculty ratio and of its effect on graduate programs of Sociology has been relatively neglected, despite strong professional interest in factors associated with the production of sociology doctorates. This interest has its roots both in administrative concern about the allocation of staff resources within department programs and in theoretical issues of interest to sociological specializations, such as formal organization and sociologist of education, knowledge, professions, and related areas. The study discussed in this article has utilized some recent data on the relation between numbers of graduate students and the number of graduate staff in departments, tries to perform such a breakdown in order to explain patterns of graduate instruction; in universities in the United States. The data found in the 1965 were published in the Guide to Graduate Departments of Sociology published by the American Sociological Association. There is, no precise definition of full time student, mainly as a consequence of variation within departments in the definition of the status of teaching and research assistants.

Something is dreadfully wrong with contemporary sociology. While the usual indexes of professional success student enrollment, number of practitioners, amount of research funds, quantity of publications show a marked increase and proliferation, a malaise of undefined proportions still stalks the discipline. Sociology has, of course, always been assailed from without by its enemies and from within by the conflicts and ruptures among its own. Empiricism in pure form means simply that the empirical world can best be approached without any suppositions as to how it holds together. In the history of science it was reinforced by the positivism of the nineteenth century. This assumed that facts have an intrinsic order that is distorted if the scientist approaches it with reconceptions of any kind. Scientific knowledge progresses by the closer and closer approximation of the open method scientist to the order of nature. The newest star on the sociological horizon is far more methodologically sophisticated than neo-empiricism. Although its practitioners are small in number, its logical consistency and its iconoclasm have brought it immediately to the fore, especially among articulate and clever graduate students.

The purpose of this article is to explore the role of women in one's culture, in academia, in a few professions, and in the field of sociology. There are suggestions in some of the sociological literature that women are in a difficult and sometimes unspecified role. Age and Sex in the Social Structure of the United States, analyzes the various avenues of expression available to women domesticity; glamour; and good companion, as expressed in such pursuits as humanitarianism and club activities. Much literature, academic and otherwise, has been devoted to a survey of the opportunities and joys of the domestic role. The foregoing material can serve both as an indictment of, and a cause for, restricting the role of academic women, as well as an accounting of the reasons why women withdraw from the professions. To label the interplay of variables as discrimination is not wholly accurate, but neither can the material be taken as cause for maintaining the status quo. Research continue to be faced with the facts that good intellectual ability among women is being wasted as a social and national resource and that lack of clarity about the female role may be productive of personal unhappiness.

The article discusses the report "The Behavioral Sciences and the Federal Government," which examines how the knowledge and methods of the behavioral sciences can be brought to bear effectively on the programs and policy processes of the federal government. The lack of vital social and economic information on critical issues and the lack of methods for analyzing information and relating it to policies and operations have been constantly emphasized in recent years in a number of public commissions, study panels, and government groups. Behavioral science knowledge is a source of understanding about social and individual behavior that has been confirmed by careful observation, testing, or statistical analysis. The behavioral sciences are, nonetheless, an important source of information, analysis, and explanation about group and individual behavior, and thus an essential and increasingly relevant instrument of modern government. The discusses the development and use of behavioral science in various fields like foreign affairs, international cooperation in research, and science policies.

The question of how one should view graduate training in sociology allows many types of answers. The comments that follow are, at least in part, the kinds of things one might say to a student about to embark on a career of gradual!e training in sociology. Although some institutions that call themselves colleges have graduate programs. graduate schools are usually associated with universities of sufficient size to provide the research and faculty base. required for advanced training in a discipline. Universities can he classified in many ways. One common way is by size, another by whether the institution is privately or publicly supported. Large private institutions at present tend to he smaller than large publicly supported institutions, and possibly the gap in size is spreading. The university itself must be viewed as the milieu in which any graduate program is given meaning. The attitudes associated with the administration of the institution, the common culture of the faculty! the general expectations of the whole academic community, all these enter into defining the situation in which graduate training is conducted.

The article discusses various issues related to sociology, social work, and social problems. Both sociology and social work have contributions to make to the solution of social problems. It seems probable that as social science becomes less academic and more involved in the real world, and as social work becomes less psychiatrically oriented, there will be an increasing need for the two fields to cooperate in the solution of social problems. The revolutionary response to social problem has been defined as a restructuring of interdependent institutions. The successful American labor movement represents one example of this type of response. The increasing attention that decision makers are paying to social science indicates that social scientists will increasingly be called upon to utilize their skills in areas of social relevance. In meeting these social concerns in seeking ways to solve rather than rearrange social problems there may be a rapprochement between social work and sociology as both disciplines bring their best thinking to hear on these issues.

It has more than once been suggested by researchers in the field of community decision-making that results reported by others are more a reflection of political ideology than of "actual" community decision-making processes. A tendency to perceive a more elitist, centralized type of decision-making structure has been ascribed to sociologists, at least as contrasted to their colleagues in political science departments. It has also been argued that adoption of the reputational technique for studying community decision-making will almost inevitably bias the findings toward a more centralized type of decision-making structure. The preference at least during the 1950 of sociologists for the reputational method and of political scientists for either the decisional method or some combination of methods in addition to the reputational method, has been posited as an intervening variable explaining the differences in findings between persons in the two disciplines. While the general interpretation is upheld in that the community structural characteristics were enormously more important than discipline or method in predicting the type of power structure, the particular community structural characteristics, of course, are far from deterministic of the type of community power structure.

The article presents information on employment opportunities in various colleges and universities in the field of sociology. The University of Alaska has an opening for faculty with Ph.D, has to bear a teaching load for 10 hours, stimulating social, cultural and economic change area. The Keene State College has an opening for one Ph.D, rank and salary depending on qualifications and experience, has to teach introductory and advanced courses in major or related field. The Alfred University has an opening for Instructor or assistant professor who has to conduct sections in introductory sociology: teach introduction to social research, teach methodology to seniors by means of offering technical assistance for research conducted by the department of sociology, the Social Research Technologist Program, the Environmental Science Program, the School Nursing. The State University of New York, College at Cortland has an opening for Associate or full Professor for undergraduate teaching, may lead to chairmanship of six-man department in near future; the preferred candidate must have specialties in demography, research methods or sociology of adolescence.

This article is an attempt to expand the professional visage to sociology in the junior college. Admittedly, the larger four-year colleges and universities have the vast majority of sociology students and majors at the present time, but the increasing expansion of junior college systems and the proliferation of junior college transfer students to four-year colleges suggests that in the foreseeable future these larger institutions will be directly affected by academic preparation in the junior colleges. The junior college instructors, though not completely devoid of professional standards, are not professionally involved with other sociologists nor with local, regional, or national associations. They are not able to share the increasing technical knowledge of the profession and because of their wide range of teaching assignments, must necessarily depend heavily upon a written textbook, with limited elaboration beyond a level. It is readily apparent that the professional regulation, even on an informal basis, is clearly impossible in the ease of the junior college sociology instructor. Moreover, their lack of professional experience under the tutelage of accepted and trained professionals limits their internalization of ethical standards as to orientation and practices and roles to be played by the sociologist.

At the Sixth World Congress of Sociology in Evian, France, September 1966, the first international sessions on the sociology of the military, war and revolution were held. The author had the privilege to be chairman of a working group on "Militarism and the Professional Military Man," which brought together representatives from Western Europe, Eastern Europe, Soviet Union, and the United States, South America and the Far East. The actualities of war or revolution in the developing nations did not block out the implications of militarism in advanced societies. The sociological aspects of militarism in West Germany were realistically and soberly assessed by Wido Mosen from the University of Frankfurt. Examination of the fundamental issues of militarism quickly transcended old fashioned notions of militarism and military dictatorship and focused on the real problems of controlling the military profession under a variety of social and political systems. Social recruitment must he linked to prestige in the effort to explore the socio-political position of the military in contemporary society. Data presented at the conference confirmed the decline in prestige of the military profession in recent years in advanced industrialized societies.

The article focuses on Hungarian sociology. It is scarcely known that, as early as about 1900, social scientists in Hungary held the methods of the American "survey research movement," with systematic community studies and publications intelligible to the public, as the leading ideal for their own investigations. Initiative for sociological surveys, mainly agrarian, came at about 1910 from a small circle of social reform intellectuals who founded the periodical "The Twentieth Century" and the "Free School of Social Sciences." Under pressure from the special social and political conditions in Hungary, sociology changed from an epistemological toward a pragmatic orientation, converting its scientific functions into political ones. The social reformism in sociological thinking was considered by both conservative and socialist leading groups as "hostile to the system," and a battle was waged against it with both political and bureaucratic weapons. The composition of the subject matter, the ways of dealing with it, the striving for methodical purity, and the bold trains of thought developed explicitly through scientific analysis, all this testifies that Hungarian social research is based on empiricism rather than ideology.

As in any other sociology, in the sociology of science one can focus on the producers, on the production process, or on the end product. Two major points at which the situation of sociologists in Holland differs notably from that in the U. S. should be borne in mind. In the first place, the majority of Dutch sociologists are employed by governmental or industrial or other private organizations, while only a minority fulfill a function at institutions of higher learning. In the second place, in the Netherlands only those persons who have passed their doctoral exams at a university are recognized as full-fledged academic professionals. It can be assumed that especially since the last World War, those who aspire to an academic career will in general more often have a professional orientation and apply themselves to writing Ph.D. theses than those of their colleagues who wish to make their way as civil servants, or in industry, business, or elsewhere.

The Social Sciences have been almost continuously concerned with appropriately delineating subject matter among disciplinary fields. The role of one branch in relation to others often has been discussed with the general notion of staking a claim to a substantive area of study, to an intellectual function or to service to society. Interrelations among the Social Sciences may be analyzed in three contexts, substantively through study of the extent that the disciplines contribute concepts, hypotheses, evidence etc. to the explanation of behavior, organizationally through studying the interrelations among curricula, courses of study, degree requirements and among institutional subdivisions and individually by analyzing the extent that individuals have bridged gaps between fields through their varied experiences particularly educational experiences. The article examines one kind of evidence on the individual basis of integration among the Social Sciences, formal educational experiences represented by degrees in major subjects and by minors and majors of baccalaureates.